Nationalist and independence movements throughout Africa have been predominantly led by men; however, women also held important roles. Women's roles in African independence movements were diverse and varied by each country. Many women believed that their liberation was directly linked to the liberation of their countries.[1] Women participated in various anti-colonial roles, ranging from grassroots organising to providing crucial support during the struggle for independence. Their activities included organising protests, distributing anti-colonial propaganda, and offering vital assistance such as food and medical care to injured guerrilla soldiers. Additionally, some women actively engaged in frontline combat alongside their male counterparts. [1] Women involved in anti-colonial efforts frequently encountered violent opposition from colonial authorities, resulting in incidents of imprisonment and torture, as consequences for their participation in such endeavors.[2] Despite the significant contributions and hardships endured by women during the decolonisation process, their roles in the struggle for independence across the continent have often been overlooked in historical accounts. In many mainstream African history narratives, women's contributions remain largely invisible or misrepresented, leading to a lack of recognition compared to their male counterparts.[3]
Algeria edit
While there is some dispute over who exactly designed flag,[5] Émilie Busquant, wife of the Algerian nationalist leader Messali Hadj, is generally credited as having sewed the first version of the Algerian flag in 1934.[6]
Algerian War edit
Women participated in a variety of roles during the Algerian War. The majority of Muslim women who became active participants did so on the side of the National Liberation Front (FLN). The French included some women, both Muslim and French, in their war effort, but they were not as fully integrated, nor were they charged with the same breadth of tasks as the women on the Algerian side. The total number of women involved in the conflict, as determined by post-war veteran registration, is numbered at 11,000, but it is possible that this number was significantly higher due to underreporting.[7]
Urban and rural women's experiences in the revolution differed greatly. Urban women, who constituted about twenty percent of the overall force, had received some kind of education and usually chose to enter on the side of the FLN of their own accord.[8] Largely illiterate rural women, on the other hand, the remaining eighty percent, due to their geographic location in respect to the operations of FLN often became involved in the conflict as a result of proximity paired with force.[8]
Women operated in a number of different areas during the course of the rebellion. "Women participated actively as combatants, spies, fundraisers, as well as nurses, launderers, and cooks",[9] "women assisted the male fighting forces in areas like transportation, communication and administration"[7]: 223 the range of involvement by a woman could include both combatant and non-combatant roles. While most women's tasks were non-combatant, their less frequent, violent acts were more noticed. The reality was that "rural women in maquis rural areas support networks"[10] contained the overwhelming majority of those who participated; female combatants were in the minority.
Perhaps the most famous incident involving Algerian women revolutionaries was the Milk Bar Café bombing of 1956, when Zohra Drif and Yacef Saâdi planted three bombs: one in the Air France office in the Mauritania building in Algiers,[11] which did not explode, one in a cafeteria on the Rue Michelet, and another at the Milk Bar Café, which killed 3 young women and injured multiple adults and children.[12] Algerian Communist Party-member Raymonde Peschard was initially accused of being an accomplice to the bombing and was forced to flee from the colonial authorities.[13] In September 1957, though, Drif and Saâdi were arrested and sentenced to twenty years hard labor in the Barbarossa prison.[14] Drif was pardoned by Charles de Gaulle on the anniversary of Algerian independence in 1962.[15]Ghana edit
Nana Yaa Asantewaa understood the ramifications of British colonial rule. She is seen by Ghanaians today as a queen mother who exercised her political and social clout to help defend her kingdom. The role she played in influencing the Ashanti men to battle the British appears to be a function of her matriarchal status.[16] The Ashanti people are organized in a matrilineage, women descended from a common female ancestor. The ashanti believe a person's blood comes from the mother and spirit comes from the father. The queen mother was often the sister of the chief and was the head of kinship relations. Yaa Asantewaa status and warrior spirit lead the Ashanti people during an uncertain time. Nana Yaa Asantewaa's call upon the women of the Asante Empire is based on the political obligations of Akan women and their respective roles in legislative and judicial processes. The hierarchy of male stools among the Akan people was complemented by female counterparts. Within the village, elders who were heads of the matrilineages (mpanyimfo), constituted the village council known as the ôdekuro. The women, known as the mpanyinfo, and referred to as aberewa or ôbaa panyin, were responsible for looking after women's affairs. For every ôdekuro, an ôbaa panyin acted as the responsible party for the affairs of the women of the village and served as a member of the village council.[17]
The head of a division, the ôhene, and the head of the autonomous political community, the Amanhene, had their female counterparts known as the ôhemaa: a female ruler who sat on their councils. The ôhemaa and ôhene were all of the same mogya, blood or localized matrilineage. The occupant of the female stool in Kumasi state, the Asantehemaa, the united Asante, since her male counterpart was ex-officio of the Asanthene, was a member of the Kôtôkô Council, the executive committee or Cabinet of the Asanteman Nhyiamu, General Assembly of Asante rulers. Female stool occupants participated not only in the judicial and legislative processes, but also in the making and unmaking of war, and the distribution of land.[18]Nigeria edit
Nigeria was granted independence from the British Empire on 1 October 1960. Before this, various forms and demonstrations against colonial rule took place. Women in Nigeria played a significant role during the movement for national independence. Before independence, women organized through movements like the Abeokuta Women's Revolt and the Women's War.
Margaret Ekpo edit
Margaret Ekpo was one of the most important female independence leaders in Nigeria. She worked toward more equitable civil rights and Nigerian independence.
Margaret Ekpo was a chief, a politician, and a nationalist independence leader. In 1945, Ekpo became involved in politics after her husband, Dr. John Udo Ekpo, became dissatisfied with the colonial administration's treatment of indigenous Nigerian doctors.[19] In British-ruled Nigeria, colonial rulers had concentrated the power on male chiefs. After the Women's War, she and other women were appointed to replace warrant chiefs. Ekpo was later appointed to the Eastern House of Chiefs in 1954. As a chief, she rallied women of different ethnic identities to demand women's rights and independence. She was arrested multiple times for instigating these rallies against British colonization. As a warrant chief, Ekpo passed a law that required police to employ more women in Enugu and Lagos.
Before WWII, Ekpo led the Aba Market Women Association in mobilizing women against colonial rule and patriarchal oppression. Following WWII, Ekpo and the Aba Market Women Association continued to mobilize using tactics such as buying up large quantities of scarce commodities and selling them only to registered members of the association who attended meetings regularly. She used this as an opportunity to educate women on the importance of independence and decolonisation.[20]
I would tell the women, do you know that your daughter can be the matron of that hospital? Do you know that your husband can be a District Officer (D.O.) or Resident? Do you know that if you join hands with us in the current political activities, your children could one day live in European quarters? I used to tell them these things every time and so they became interested...[21]
After being granted independence in 1960, Ekpo participated in the Constitutional Conferences in Lagos and London. Ekpo would also serve as a member of parliament in Nigeria from 1960 to 1966.[20] Ekpo's work also transcended national politics. She travelled out of Nigeria to represent Nigerian women at several international conferences such as the Inter-Parliamentary Union Conference (1964) and the World Women's International Domestic Federation Conference (1963).[20]
Along with her work in advocating civil and political rights, Ekpo left a legacy that notably lacked ethnic bias in a country where many forms of ethnicism and nepotism existed in politics.[22]
Tanzania edit
Late in 1961, the predecessor state of Tanganyika was established through the Tanganyika Independence Act of 1961. This act ended British rule and established self-government.[23] A new republican constitution was adopted one year later, in December 1962. This abolished the remaining role of the British monarchy in Tanganyika. A union with the neighbouring state of Zanzibar in 1964 led to the formation of the Republic of Tanzania.[24]
Bibi Titi Mohamed edit
Bibi Titi Mohamed was a prominent figure in African women's politics and the independence movement in Tanganyika, mobilizing women to join the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) political party.[23]
Born in Dar es Salaam, Bibi Titi rose to prominence unexpectedly. Having only four years of primary school education before her political career, she was a housewife and lead singer in a “Bamba'' group.[25] However, as the struggle for freedom amplified, Bibi Titi found a more active role in politics. She joined the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) in 1954.[23] Doing so, Bibi Titi became TANU's first female member.[25] She advocated for political freedom as well as the autonomy of women. By the end of the 1950s, Bibi Titi had become a prominent and powerful voice in politics, campaigning on behalf of freedom and development.[23] After gaining popularity, her voice became a powerful source of African feminist and anti-colonial sentiment.
After the establishment of the Republic of Tanzania in 1964, she represented the constituency of Rufiji in Parliament. She also served as a member of TANU's Central Committee and executive committee.[23] There, she continued to advocate for greater freedom and women's rights.
Bibi Titi left a legacy that calls on women to have greater self-respect and encourages women to strive for more education and equal treatment.[25] In a speech, Bibi Titi implored women to take advantage of their latent political influence saying:
I told you [women] that we want independence. And we can’t get independence if you don’t want to join the party. We have given birth to all these men. Women are the power in this world. We are the ones who give birth to the world…[25]
Kenya edit
On December 12, 1963, Kenya declared independence from Britain after years of anti-colonial efforts involving both men and women.[1] Women, in particular, played significant yet often underappreciated roles in various struggles against colonial rule, including active participation in the Mau Mau Rebellion.
In various colonial records, Kikuyu women have frequently been portrayed as victims of the Mau Mau rebellion, a portrayal often utilised by the British government to validate stringent measures and portray themselves as protectors.[26] Women's roles in the rebellion extended beyond mere victimhood; they were active participants motivated by various factors. Various colonial laws, including communal labor and the hut and poll taxes, were perceived as disproportionately affecting women, leading to resentment within the female population. This resentment, coupled with other grievances such as unfair labor practices and limited political representation, motivated many women to align themselves with Mau Mau fighters.[26]
The roles undertaken by women in the Mau Mau rebellion were diverse and complex. Kikuyu women played crucial roles in organising and sustaining supply lines that facilitated the delivery of essential resources such as food, medicine, weapons, and information to the rebel forces.[27] Additionally, women served as recruiters, actively identifying and enlisting capable fighters to join the cause. Notably, women themselves participated as combatants, particularly in the forest forces, where they undertook various camp duties including cooking, cleaning, gathering firewood, and transporting water. These multifaceted contributions underscored the integral role of women in supporting and actively participating in the Mau Mau movement.[26] Their roles were deemed significant by the British government, which acknowledged their vital function as the "eyes and ears" of the Mau Mau movement.[28]
Kikuyu women, experienced torture and sexual abuse at the hands of British soldiers, underscoring the complexities of their involvement.[29]
The identities of many women involved in the Mau Mau rebellion have remained unrecorded. While some notable figures, like Field-Marshal Muthoni wa Kirima, have gained recognition for their roles as top-ranking female fighters, there are thousands of women whose names have not been documented or acknowledged:
Wambui wa Kanyari edit
Wambui wa Kanyari, also known as Matron, is a significant female leader within the Mau Mau movement, whose contributions are often overlooked. Originating from Ngariama, she gained recognition for her notable role in the resistance against colonial authorities.
Within the Mau Mau administrative structure, Wambui wa Kanyari held a pivotal role in the Department of Medicine. As a trained nurse, she provided essential medical care to Mau Mau rebels in the forest. Matron's role encompassed various tasks within healthcare provision, such as sterilising syringes, administering medications, and tending to the medical requirements of fighters. Beyond medical duties, she extended support to pregnant women seeking sanctuary in the forest, many of whom had endured traumatic incidents like rape or imprisonment. Matron aided in childbirth, serving as a midwife for women delivering babies while in concealment.[30]
Furthermore, Matron played a crucial role in nursing injured women, offering care and support to those who had sustained gunshot wounds or other injuries during confrontations with colonial forces. While specific details about Matron's life may vary in historical records, her contributions exemplify the vital role that women played within the Mau Mau movement. Her dedication to providing medical care and support to fellow rebels underscores the resilience and solidarity that characterised the struggle for independence in Kenya.[30]
Bandi wa Kamau edit
Bandi wa Kamau was a notable figure in the Mau Mau rebellion, contributing significantly to the movement as a rebel. Her involvement included providing support to Mau Mau soldiers by bringing them food while they operated in the forests. Additionally, in 1953, she played a pivotal role in safeguarding the Mau Mau oath, demonstrating her commitment to the cause.[30]
One aspect of Bandi wa Kamau's role was her involvement in persuading other women to attend the oathing sessions, where new recruits pledged allegiance to the Mau Mau movement. This was a delicate task, as it required navigating traditional customs that discouraged women from participating in ritualistic ceremonies. Bandi's efforts to involve women in the oathing process were aimed at maintaining cultural sensitivities while also bolstering support for the rebellion.[30]
The stories of Wambui wa Kanyari and Bandi wa Kamau serve as poignant reminders of the significant, yet often overlooked, contributions of women to the Mau Mau rebellion and the broader struggle against colonialism in Kenya. Their bravery and dedication highlight the diverse roles that women played in shaping the course of Kenyan history during this pivotal period.
Côte d'Ivoire edit
Côte d'Ivoire, located on the southeastern coast of West Africa, gained independence from France in August, 1960. Leading up to independence, women played active roles in various political movements, including the Parti Démocratique de la Côte d'Ivoire — Rassemblement Démocratique Africain (PDCI-RDA), contributing to the country's progress towards self-governance. Their involvement in these movements stemmed from diverse motivations.
Many women were motivated to join the PDCI due to grievances related to forced labor, a central aspect of discontentment under colonial rule. In northern Côte d’Ivoire, where much of French recruitment took place, women experienced disruption to their lives through labor conscription. Witnessing their children sent southward to European plantations and experiencing labor recruitment firsthand further fueled their dissatisfaction.[31]
The increasing repression by the colonial state, marked by the imprisonment of male relatives, spurred militant mothers to engage in more visible activism. Consequently, the women’s wing of the PDCI was formed in May 1949, drawing around 15,000 women from various ethnicities, socioeconomic backgrounds, and educational levels. These women played crucial roles within the party, offering vital support to those detained by French authorities, particularly at the overcrowded and deteriorating Grand Bassam prison. Despite difficult circumstances, they ensured that incarcerated activists received necessities such as food, clean clothing, and emotional comfort.[31]
Women actively promoted the party's message and garnered support across the colony, despite literacy challenges. Their dedication was evident through activities like selling RDA membership cards and organising fundraisers, which significantly boosted the party's membership to over 800,000 by December 1949. A key moment in their activism was the December 24, 1949 march on Grand Bassam prison, where two thousand women protested the detention of PDCI militants, marking a significant event in West African women's resistance against French colonial rule and advocating for detainee liberation.[31]
See also edit
References edit
- ^ a b c Makana, Selina (2019). "Women in Nationalist Movements". Oxford Research Encyclopedia of African History. doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780190277734.013.655. ISBN 978-0-19-027773-4.
- ^ "African Women's Role in Resistance Against Colonization | The Classic Journal". theclassicjournal.uga.edu. Retrieved 2024-03-24.
- ^ Bouka, Yolande (2020), Yacob-Haliso, Olajumoke; Falola, Toyin (eds.), "Women, Colonial Resistance, and Decolonization", The Palgrave Handbook of African Women's Studies, Cham: Springer International Publishing, pp. 1–19, doi:10.1007/978-3-319-77030-7_5-1, ISBN 978-3-319-77030-7, retrieved 2024-03-24
- ^ Akyeampong, Emmanuel Kwaku; Jr, Professor Henry Louis Gates (2012-02-02). Dictionary of African Biography. Oxford University Press. p. 23. ISBN 978-0-19-538207-5.
- ^ Houda, B. (20 August 1997). "Le vert, le blanc, l'étoile et le croissant: Qui a conçu le drapeau algérien ?" [Green, white, star and crescent: Who designed the Algerian flag?] (in French). El Watan. Archived from the original on 13 March 2012. Retrieved 28 February 2017.
- ^ Kessous, Mustapha (23 January 2015). "Emilie Busquant, la plus algérienne des Françaises" [Emilie Busquant, the most Algerian of French women]. Le Monde (in French).
- ^ a b De Groot, Gerard; Peniston-Bird, Corinna (2000). A Soldier and a Woman: Sexual Integration in the Military. Longman. p. 247. ISBN 9780582414396.
- ^ a b Lazreg, Marnia. The Eloquence of Silence. London: Routledge, 1994 p. 120
- ^ Turshen, Meredith. "Algerian Women in the Liberation Struggle and the Civil War: From Active Participants to Passive Victims". Social Research Vol. 69 No. 3 (Fall 2002) p. 889-911, p.890
- ^ Vince, Natalya "Transgressing Boundaries: Gender, Race, Religion and 'Fracaises Musulmannes during Algerian War of Independence." French Historical Studies. Vol. 33 No. 3 (Summer 2010) pp. 445–474, p.445
- ^ Vlazna, Vacy (November 9, 2017). "Inside the Battle of Algiers: Memoir of a Woman Freedom Fighter – Book Review". Palestine Chronicle. Retrieved 7 May 2020.
- ^ Drif, Zohra (2017). Inside the Battle of Algiers: Memoir of a Woman Freedom Fighter. Just World Books. ISBN 978-1682570753.
- ^ Drew, Allison (2014-11-01). We Are No Longer in France: Communists in Colonial Algeria. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9781847799203.
- ^ Whaley Eager, Paige (2016). From Freedom Fighters to Terrorists: Women and Political Violence. Routledge. p. 109. ISBN 978-1317132288.
- ^ Rohlof, Caroline (2012). "Reality and Representation of Algerian Women: The Complex Dynamic of Heroines and Repressed Women". Illinois Wesleyan University.
- ^ Karen, McGee (2015). "The Impact of Matriarchal Traditions on the Advancement of Ashanti Women in Ghana".
- ^ Arhin, Kwame (2001). Transformations in Traditional Rule in Ghana: 1951–1996. Sedco. ISBN 978-9964-72-173-2.
- ^ Arhin, Kwame, "The Political and Military Roles of Akan Women", in Christine Oppong (ed.), Female and Male in West Africa, London: Allen and Unwin, 1983.
- ^ "Margaret Ekpo – Illustrated Women in History". 25 February 2016. Retrieved 2022-05-10.
- ^ a b c Ukpokolo, Chinyere (2020). "Ekpo, Margaret". Oxford Research Encyclopedia of African History. doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780190277734.013.476. ISBN 978-0-19-027773-4.
- ^ Effah-Attoe and Jaja, Margaret Ekpo: Lioness in Nigerian Politics, 21.
- ^ Omonijo, B. Nigeria: Tribute—Margaret Ekpo - And the Woman Died, Vanguard Newspapers, (Lagos), October 2, 2006.
- ^ a b c d e Chachage, Chambi; Mgumia, Jacqueline (2020). "Bibi Titi Mohamed". Oxford Research Encyclopedia of African History. doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780190277734.013.473. ISBN 978-0-19-027773-4.
- ^ The Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar Act, 1964 (Act No. 22 of 1964) – via WIPO IP Portal.
- ^ a b c d Geiger, Susan (1987). "Women in Nationalist Struggle: Tanu Activists in Dar es Salaam". The International Journal of African Historical Studies. 20 (1): 1–26. doi:10.2307/219275. JSTOR 219275.
- ^ a b c Presley, Cora Ann (1988). "The Mau Mau Rebellion, Kikuyu Women, and Social Change". Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines. 22 (3): 502–527. doi:10.2307/485952. JSTOR 485952.
- ^ Gachihi, Margaret (1986). The Role of Kikuyu Women in the Mau Mau (Thesis thesis). University of Nairobi.
- ^ Santoru, Marina E (1996). "The Colonial Idea of Women and Direct Intervention: The Mau Mau Case". African Affairs. 95 (379): 253–267. doi:10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a007719. ISSN 0001-9909. JSTOR 723703.
- ^ Toledo, Miyoko (2015). "Who is Worthy of Redress?: Recognizing Sexual Violence Injustice Against Women of Color as Uniquely Redress-Worthy—Illuminated by a Case Study on Kenya's Mau Mau Women and Their Unique Harms". doi:10.15779/Z38CC0TS7G. S2CID 21678952. Retrieved 24 March 2024.
- ^ a b c d Gathogo, Julius (2017). "Mau-Mau war rituals and women rebels in Kirinyaga county of Kenya (1952-1960): retrieving women participation in Kenya's struggle for independence". Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae. 43 (2): 1–16. doi:10.17159/2412-4265/2017/1822. ISSN 1017-0499.
- ^ a b c Jacob, Elizabeth (2022). "Militant Mothers: Gender and the Politics of Anticolonial Action in Côte d'Ivoire". The Journal of African History. 63 (3): 348–367. doi:10.1017/S0021853722000524. ISSN 0021-8537.