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Social Inequality in Sports

Gender

Gender is arguably the most visible site of inequality in sport. The contemporary literature on gender in sport is largely concentrated in three somewhat overlapping areas: masculinity and femininity; sexuality and homophobia; and bodily sex (including gender testing). It also, at times, looks at intersections between gender, race and class, though this is not a large focus. The main recent focus for gender research in sport has arguably been in the interconnected areas of masculinity, femininity and sexuality. Mainstream sports such as hockey, soccer, and sport in are organized around discourses of hegemonic masculinity that value hyper masculine, heterosexual men. These discourses serve to marginalize effeminate men and all women, maintaining mainstream sport as both heterosexual and homophobic. Hegemonic masculinity justifies the lesser regard, and its associated lack of resources provided to women’s sport by asserting that the patriarchal organization of sport is natural, normal and is therefore somehow right.

Race

The myth of natural talent says that Black athletes are naturally good at sport, while White athletic success is the result of hard work. It downplays the achievements of Black athletes while lauding the achievements of White athletes. It associates Blackness with intellectual inferiority and Whiteness with intellectual superiority. The myth of natural talent appears to be behind much of the discrimination and differential treatment experienced by African American athletes. Based on an ideology that situates Black peoples as physically gifted but mentally inferior, the myth of natural talent serves to justify the differential treatment meted out to African American athletes. This myth is a form of social control that is persistent in societies in general, not just in sport. Although not based in reality, it is deeply held and difficult to shift. The myth is held by people of all races, even the African American athletes who are subject to it. It is continued from youth sports all the way through to professional sport. Media addresses around race in sport serve to reinforce and maintain the myth of natural talent. Because of this myth, African American student athletes felt they needed to blatantly manage the stereotypes that suggested they were not worthy of their university place. The myth of natural talent is reinforced by media discourses of race in the context of sport.” For example, in one British study, White soccer players were more likely to be discussed using psychological descriptors than Black players, and Black players were more likely to be discussed using physical descriptors. A North American study found that African-American players were more likely to be called by their first name by commentators than White players. Another study found that media coverage of Black athletes reinforces myths around Blacks’ masculinity and sexuality and helps to maintain a racial frame that privileges Whites. The myth of natural talent affects players’ on-field experiences, and in particular, it likely contributes to the practice of positional segregation, also called ‘stacking’, which occurs when players are restricted to particular positions on the field of play depending on their race.” Typically, Black players are put in positions that require speed and agility, while White players are put in decision-making roles. Positional segregation was first described by Loy and Elvogue in 1970 and remains an issue today in many sports including Major League, American football, Australian rules football and soccer. Notably, not all professional sports have positional segregation. NBA basketball in the United States does not appear to have positional segregation, and although British soccer and Australian rugby have histories of positional segregation, it no longer seems to be practiced. One of the consequences of positional segregation is that non-White players do not get decision-making experience and are overlooked for coaching and sports administration positions once they finish playing.

An additional type of racial discrimination in professional sport is in salaries. There is evidence from American football and basketball that Black athletes are paid less than non-Black athletes, even when they are better performers. Racial vilification is commonly experienced by Black athletes. Racial vilification refers to abusive statements made against players, coaches, officials, spectators and teams due to their racial background. It has been reported in sporting competitions around the world. Many competitions have developed policies against racial vilification, and these do seem to reduce its practice, but research indicates it is an ongoing issue that aims to disadvantage Black players. More broadly, sport participation patterns vary by race, with overrepresentation of minority groups in some sports, and under-representation in others. For example, Olympic swimming has long been dominated by White athletes, while North American basketball is dominated by African-Americans. There are few elite Black tennis players or golfers, but many Black American football players. Blacks are under-represented in Major League Baseball.

Social mobility 

A popular belief is that sport offers the underprivileged a vehicle for social mobility. Sport is seen to provide a level-playing field where those with sufficient talent and commitment can succeed, regardless of their race, gender or socioeconomic status. The possibility of staggering wealth and social status through professional sport most certainly exists. However, the relationship between sport and social mobility is complex and ambivalent. International research shows that sport participation can facilitate intragenerational and intergenerational mobility through mechanisms such as enhanced occupational and income status, educational attainment and social prestige. Athletic performance and physical capital are resources of power that can open doors that would otherwise remain closed for people from lower socioeconomic backgrounds. However, recent research shows that the social mobility pathways that sport offers are often exaggerated. Not only is the popular view of sport as a social mobility escalator unrealistic, it may even be detrimental to disadvantaged groups because it reproduces or exacerbates their disadvantage. The relationship between sport and social mobility may be viewed as a zero-sum game where time spent on sport takes away from time that could be spent on education or work experience. These critical accounts suggest that instead of facilitating upward mobility, participation in sport diverts attention and energies away from more likely paths to social mobility. While this body of research advances our understanding of the relationship between sport and social mobility, several areas of contention remain. A major limitation of existing research is that most studies focus on athletes who have achieved professional status. The picture these studies present is unbalanced; it does not account for the fact that for every elite athlete, there are thousands of aspiring athletes who never reach professional status. Not only are the odds of becoming a professional athlete very long, professional sporting careers are also notoriously brief, averaging well below 10 years, particularly in team contact sports. A sporting career is a compressed work career that typically involves rapid ascent followed by rapid decline. For example, a recent study found professional baseball careers in the United States to be ‘an inevitably short time on a very slippery slope. Age is a key factor influencing career longevity and social mobility opportunities. Upward mobility achieved during an athlete’s career may be followed by downward mobility after retirement from professional sport. While some athletes do quite well after retirement from sport by maintaining financial security and social prestige, others experience downward mobility. Barriers to successful post-career transition are higher for Black and minority ethnic athletes as they continue to face restricted access to key functionary positions in professional sport, such as in coaching, management and media roles. Another key issue is the striking differences in social mobility opportunities between the small number of high paid, globally televised, male-dominated sports such as leading football, baseball and basketball competitions, and other sports that are less well funded and televised. Most important for the present purpose, however, is that social mobility opportunities in and through sport are strongly influenced by the intersections between race, gender and class.