Makkabi Wilno (Hebrew: מועדון הכדורגל מכבי וילנה, romanized: Moadon HaKaduregel Maccabi Vilne) was a multi-sport Jewish club based in Vilnius. It was dissolved during World War II.
The Makkabi football team was founded in Vilnius in 1916. The club competed in the Klasa A of the Vilnius Regional Football Association (OZPN). In 1938, Makkabi's footballers won the regional championship and participated in the competition for a spot in the national first league against the top teams of the northeastern group, PKS Łuck (0-1, 1-5), WKS Grodno (0-1, 2-4), and Pogoń Brześć (0-3, 3-3). Makkabi finished last. The club was still active after the German invasion of Poland, as Vilnius was annexed by Lithuania, participating in the Vilnius competitions aimed at selecting teams to join the Lithuanian top league for the 1940/41 season, which ultimately did not happen due to the annexation of Lithuania by the USSR.
The club also had an athletics section. Among women, the most successful athlete was Maryla Lewinówna. In 1929, during the Polish Championships in the pentathlon, held in Vilnius, she set a Polish record in the shot put (11.07 m).[1]
Bibliography
edit- Drozdek-Małolepsza, Teresa (2009). "Sport kobiet mniejszości narodowych w Polsce w latach 1919–1939". Prace Naukowe Akademii im. Jana Długosza w Częstochowie. Seria: Kultura Fizyczna. 8.
Ludwik Wrodarczyk (born August 25, 1907, in Radzionków, died December 6, 1943, in Karpiłówka) was a Polish Roman Catholic monk, Oblate, martyr and administrator of the parish of St. John the Baptist in Okopy, diocese of Łuck in Volhynia. He was recognized as Righteous Among the Nations, and a Servant of God in the Catholic Church. Wrodarczyk was a victim of the perpetrated by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) genocide of Poles in Volhynia during World War II.
He came from Radzionków, where his family lived at 28 Sobieskiego Street. Ludwik Wrodarczyk was born into a large family (thirteen children) as the second child of Karol and Justyna. His mother managed the household and raised the children, while his father was a farmer and a coal miner at the “Johanna” mine in Bytom. He attended Primary School No. 1 in Radzionków, which he finished in 1921.
From a young age, he wished to become a priest, although his father encouraged him to become a miner. At 14 years old (1921), he joined the Lower Seminary of the Oblates in Krotoszyn, and from March 1922 to 1924, continued his studies at the Lower Seminary of the Oblates in Lubiniec. In 1924, due to the large number of candidates, he was transferred to Krobia, where he passed his high school exams in June 1926. Shortly after this exam, on June 10, his father died at the age of 49. At this time, he began to experience vision problems, which required him to wear glasses permanently. He then entered the novitiate of the Oblates in Markowice, where on August 14, 1926, he received the habit, and a year later (August 15, 1927), he made his first religious vows.
Due to strict fasting, he developed stomach ailments, which led to his hospitalization in 1927 at the Hospital of the Transfiguration in Poznań. On October 1, 1927, he began studies at the Higher Seminary of the Oblates in Obra. However, due to his frail health, he had to interrupt his studies and went for treatment at his home in Radzionków, then returned to Obra on July 19, 1928. On August 15, 1930, he made his perpetual vows, and on December 21, 1930, he received the minor orders of exorcist and acolyte from Bishop Walenty Dymek at the Cathedral of Saints Peter and Paul in Poznań. In December 1932, he was ordained a deacon, and on June 10, 1933, he was ordained a priest. Three days later (June 13), he celebrated his first Mass in his home parish in Radzionków. After his first Mass and vacation, he returned to Obra to complete his fourth and final year of theological studies. In October 1933, he was sent to Poznań for a short-term replacement, then returned to Obra. From August 28, 1934, to August 25, 1936, he was a vicar at the Sanctuary of Our Lady of Kodeń, where he also taught religion in school and served as the treasurer. Due to poor health, the provincial transferred him to Markowice near Inowrocław. On July 19, 1937, he was briefly sent to Łopień near Gniezno, where he took on the duties of a chaplain to the Ursulines and led Lenten retreats in various parishes. On August 21, 1939, he was briefly in Kodń, and on August 29, 1939, he became the administrator of the parish of St. John the Baptist in Okopy in Volhynia. Here he experienced the outbreak of World War II.
In November 1941, he employed a young Jewish organist, Benedykt Halicz, risking his own life. Halicz, who sought refuge from the Germans, was saved by Wrodarczyk, who also hid others. When the liquidation of the ghetto in Rokitno began in August 1942, several people managed to escape to nearby forests and villages. Among them were the Levin brothers, Samuel and Aleksander. Wandering the area, they reached Okopy, where they were taken in by Wrodarczyk at the rectory, then hidden in the forest and fed. One of them, Aleksander Levin, who settled in Canada after the war, nominated him (as well as his collaborator Felicja Masojada) for the title of "Righteous Among the Nations."
In the spring of 1943, the Ukrainian Nationalist Organization (Bandera faction) began the genocide of Poles in Volhynia. On December 6, 1943, soldiers of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) approached Okopy. The parishioners advised their priest to go to the forest to wait out and thus save his life. However, he did not want to leave his church, primarily protecting the Blessed Sacrament in the tabernacle. At 10:00 PM that day, soldiers captured him from in front of the church altar, killing before his eyes an 18-year-old girl, Weronika Kozińska, and a 90-year-old woman, Łucja Skurzyńska, who had tried to protect him. He was then taken toward Karpiłówka, where he was tortured. According to accounts, several versions of the circumstances of his martyrdom exist.
Club
edit- As of 23 June 2023
| Club | Season | League | National Cup | League Cup | Continental | Other | Total | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Division | Apps | Goals | Apps | Goals | Apps | Goals | Apps | Goals | Apps | Goals | Apps | Goals | ||
| Porto | 2008–09[2] | Primeira Liga | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 2 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | 2 | 0 | |
| Covilhã (loan) | 2009–10[2] | Segunda Liga | 5 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 3 | 0 | — | — | 9 | 2 | ||
| Penafiel (loan) | 2009–10[2] | Segunda Liga | 14 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | 14 | 1 | ||
| VVV (loan) | 2010–11[3] | Eredivisie | 13 | 0 | 1 | 0 | — | — | — | 14 | 0 | |||
| Paços Ferreira | 2011–12[2] | Primeira Liga | 19 | 0 | 2 | 0 | 2 | 1 | — | — | 23 | 1 | ||
| 2012–13[2] | Primeira Liga | 23 | 0 | 5 | 1 | 5 | 4 | — | — | 33 | 5 | |||
| Total | 42 | 0 | 7 | 1 | 7 | 5 | — | — | 56 | 6 | ||||
| Porto | 2013–14[2] | Primeira Liga | 20 | 4 | 4 | 0 | 2 | 1 | 8[a] | 0 | 1[b] | 0 | 35 | 5 |
| Bursaspor (loan) | 2014–15[3] | Süper Lig | 30 | 7 | 9 | 2 | — | — | — | 39 | 9 | |||
| 2015–16[3] | Süper Lig | 14 | 0 | 2 | 0 | — | — | 1[c] | 0 | 17 | 0 | |||
| Total | 44 | 7 | 11 | 2 | — | — | 1 | 0 | 56 | 9 | ||||
| S.C. Braga (loan) | 2015–16 | Primeira Liga | 12 | 2 | 3 | 1 | — | 5 | 2 | — | 20 | 5 | ||
| Galatasaray (loan) | 2016–17 | Süper Lig | 25 | 2 | 8 | 2 | — | — | — | 33 | 4 | |||
| Osmanlispor | 2017–18 | Süper Lig | 9 | 0 | 1 | 0 | — | — | — | 10 | 0 | |||
| Akhisarspor | 2018–19 | Süper Lig | 20 | 2 | 4 | 2 | — | 5 | 0 | — | 29 | 4 | ||
| H. Be'er Sheva | 2019–20 | Israeli Premier League | 28 | 4 | 4 | 2 | — | — | — | 32 | 6 | |||
| 2020–21 | Israeli Premier League | 25 | 9 | 0 | 0 | — | 9 | 4 | — | 34 | 13 | |||
| Total | 53 | 13 | 4 | 2 | — | 9 | 4 | — | 66 | 19 | ||||
| Legia Warsaw | 2021–22 | Ekstraklasa | 30 | 2 | 4 | 1 | — | 10 | 0 | — | 44 | 3 | ||
| 2022–23 | Ekstraklasa | 32 | 12 | 5 | 3 | — | — | — | 37 | 15 | ||||
| Total | 62 | 14 | 9 | 4 | — | 10 | 0 | — | 81 | 18 | ||||
| Career total | 310 | 46 | 53 | 15 | 14 | 6 | 37 | 6 | 2 | 0 | 416 | 73 | ||
- ^ Appearances in UEFA Champions League and UEFA Europa League
- ^ Appearance in Supertaça Cândido de Oliveira
- ^ Appearances in Turkish Super Cup
International
editCamp sejm was the long awaited opportunity for an ordinary nobility to present their demands before the grand duke. Although sejm was already well-established insitution in Grand Duchy, unlike in Poland delegates weren’t elected on local nobles gatherings (sejmiks), but appointed by local dignitary[4]. So the military campaign was one of the few moments when lower and middle nobility had a direct access to the grand dule. Led by Jan Chodkiewicz nobles demanded at first dispersal of the army and calling up of the actual sejm to discuss the defence of the realm. When it was refused, nobles demands increased highly, they now demanded from the king to call a common sejm togehter with Polish lords, to form the closest union possible, in order to choose a common ruler and enact common law</ref>Frost 2015, p. 448.</ref>. Earlier that year, in May, Sigismund reacted positvely on the petition from Małoplska nobility to gather a sejm of both nations to consider the future of both countries after his possible childless death. Although initially he agreed only to disperse army gathered in Vitebsk, his next actions suggest that the support of lower Lithuanian nobility was all he needed to pursue the project of a real union[5].
On the upcoming Polish Sejm in Piotrków in late 1562 marked the triumphal period of the executionist movement, king joined the lower nobility and reduced the role of the senat. It was symbolised by the change of a character of king’s and his court’s woredrobe, up to this point king was dressing according to Italian fashion, but now he and his courters started to wear tradional clothes of Polish nobility (‘’kontusz’’). During this one and the next sejms the deep program of reforms was introduced, main achievement was the revindication of royal domain, organisation of a standing army, separation of offices and many others. Nobles also called for a closer union with Lithuanian and the full incorporation of Royal Prussia and duchies of Zator and Oświęcim[6]. During the sejm news about the fall of Połock reached Piotrków, the reaction of the nobles was an offer of military aid under condtion of calling up the common sejm which would bring the union into fruition.
____
The takeover of the Vilnius region by Lithuania from the USSR in October 1939 was regarded by many Poles as "complicity in the partition of Poland".[7] Poles became the object of a widespread Lithuanianization campaign undertaken by the Lithuanian state. The Lithuanian state took the position that the Polish minority was merely "polonized Lithuanians," so that depolonization was merely the restoration of the natural order. This included the removal of Polish state symbols, removing Polish inscriptions from public spaces, changing street names to Lithuanian, closing Polish schools and dismissing teachers. The greatest blow was the closure of the Polish Stefan Batory University in Vilnius in December 1939. Most repressive of all was the Citizenship Law, which excluded a significant portion of the Polish population as stateless aliens.[8]
In the summer 1940 Lithuania lost its independence to USSR and were incorporated into USSR, as Lithuanian SSR. The situation of the Polish population got even worse. Its upper strata - the intelligentsia and the landed gentry - became class enemies. The Soviets also took the position that the Lithuanians were the rightful owners of the territories "illegally" seized by Poland in 1920. This entailed the reduction of the Poles to second-class citizens.[9]
The German invasion was greeted by the persecuted Lithuanian population as liberation from Soviet occupation. The Lithuanians hoped for the rebirth of their state under German protection.[10] Therefore they started an uprising and formed collaborationist police and army units. The lower levels of government were also staffed by Lithuanians. The situation of the Polish population was different, for them the coming of the Germans was another occupation. This led to conflicts between the two communities, as the Germans used Lithuanian collaborators for anti-Polish actions.
Even during the first Soviet occupation of eastern Poland, a Polish underground state was formed. In 1943 the Home Army (Armia Krajowa) was strengthened in the Vilnius region and began partisan operations.[11] The chief commander of the Wilno Area of the Home Army was Aleksander Krzyżanowski. In early 1944, only the main transportation routes and Vilnius were in Nazi hands.[12]
Attempts to reach agreement with Lithuanian organizations and Soviet partisans were unsuccessful. Since 1943 Polish partisans had been fighting against the Germans as well as Soviet partisans. In February 1944 the Germans formed volunteer military units to fight the Polish partisans. From late spring, open fighting between the AK and LVR units continued, culminating in a Polish victory at the Battle of Murowana Oshmyanka on May 13-14, 1944.
German persecution was accompanied by persecution carried out by Lithuanian collaborators. They acted as part of different units, but were called "szaulisi" (from Lithuanian: šauliai - riflemen, after interwar Lithuanian Riflemen's Union) by the Polish population.[13] Especially significant was the participation of the Lithuanian Security Police, known as Saugumas. It was established in 1941 by the Lithuanian provisional government and operated until 1944. Its officers informed German structures about the activities of international organizations and the Polish and Soviet resistance movements. The Polish underground treated them on a par with the Gestapo.[14] Members of the Lithuanian Special Forces - Ypatingasis būrys, who took part in the murder of the Polish and Jewish population in the Ponary massacre, were also infamous.[13]
Ukrainians
editIn 1936, the government-funded Eastern Territories Development Society formed the Petty Nobility Committee (Polish: Komitet ds. Szlachty Zagrodowej). The aim of this organisation was 'revindication' for the former Polish nobility who had lost their Polish identity under Austrian and Russian rule. The activists of the committee believed that there were about 500,000 members of the former homesteaded gentry living in the south-eastern territories, and that only 20% of them declared themselves to be Polish.[15] In 1938, on the initiative of the government, the Committee became one of the creators of Polish ethnic policy.[16] The Committee did not fully develop its activities before the outbreak of war. Ukrainians who joined the Union of Petty Nobility were boycotted by the rest of Ukrainian society. The Union of Petty Nobility had about 22,000 members in 1938.[17]
Belarus
editThe founders of the Belarusian national movement saw the historical continuity between the principality of Polotsk and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, they considered them to be part of the Belarusian national tradition.[18] Therefore, when creating the national symbolism, they reached for the coat of arms of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. This symbol grew into the local heraldic tradition and was used in the coats of arms of Belarusian towns and administrative districts, even during Russian rule. The Belarusian coat of arms, named Pahonia ('the chase'), was similar to the coat of arms adopted by the Republic of Lithuania, depicting an armed white horseman on a red background.[19] Belarusian national activists claimed that Pahonia had Ruthenian roots and that it had already been used by the Polotsk prince Narymunt-Gleb.[20]
In 1917, the Belarusian national movement adopted the red-white flag as its national banner. The author of the flag was Klavdiy Duzh-Dushevsky, who designed it after the February Revolution in Russia at the request of the Belarusian diaspora in Petrograd, the author explained the colours on the flag as symbols of the sweat, blood and tears of the Belarusian people.[20]
Pahonia was chosen by the founders in the short-lived Belarusian People's Republic as the state emblem. In the period 1918-1923, it was used by the military units of the Belarusian People's Republic, as well as those formed within the Lithuanian and Polish armies. Subsequently, it was used in this role by Belarusians residing in Poland, Lithuania, Latvia and other countries in the interwar period.
During the Second World War, under German occupation, the chairman of the Belarusian People's Self-Help (BNS) Ivan Yermachenka in 1942 asked Wilhelm Kube, head of the General District of Belarus, for the right to use Belarusian national symbols including the Pahonia. The German authorities never gave permission for the display of Belarusian national symbols.[21] Nevertheless, the Belarusians displayed them. They were also used by the Belarusian Central Council.[22] During the Soviet period, the Pahonia coat of arms was banned and its possession was punishable by imprisonment. Soviet propaganda defamed Belarusian national symbols as being used by "Nazi collaborators". However, the coat of arms was used freely by Belarusian organisations in the West.[21]
References
edit- ^ Drozdek-Małolepsza 2009, p. 77.
- ^ a b c d e f {{ForaDeJogo}} template missing ID and not present in Wikidata.
- ^ a b c "Josué". Soccerway. Retrieved 20 March 2015.
- ^ Frost 2015, p. 450.
- ^ Frost 2015, p. 453.
- ^ Frost 2015, p. 456.
- ^ Jundo-Kaliszewska 2017, p. 129.
- ^ Jundo-Kaliszewska 2017, p. 130.
- ^ Jundo-Kaliszewska 2017, p. 131.
- ^ Aleksandravičius, p. 562.
- ^ Jundo-Kaliszewska 2017, p. 134-135.
- ^ Jundo-Kaliszewska 2017, p. 138.
- ^ a b Jundo-Kaliszewska 2017, p. 135.
- ^ Jundo-Kaliszewska 2017, p. 134.
- ^ Mironowicz 2007, p. 287-288.
- ^ Mironowicz 2007, p. 288.
- ^ Mironowicz 2007, p. 288-291.
- ^ Rudling 2014, p. 13.
- ^ Rudling 2014, p. 87-88.
- ^ a b Grzybowski 2021, p. 92.
- ^ a b Grzybowski 2021, p. 94.
- ^ Grzybowski 2021, p. 92-94.
Bibliography
edit- Grzybowski, Jerzy (2021). Białoruski ruch niepodległościowy w czasie II wojny światowej [Belarusian independence movement during II World War] (in Polish). Warsaw: IPN.
- Rudling, Per Anders (2014). The Rise and Fall of Belarusian Nationalism, 1906–1931. Pittsburgh. ISBN 978-0-8229-6308-0.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
Jundo-Kaliszewska, Barbara (2017). "Mitologizacja pamięci wokół sporu o ocenę polskiego i litewskiego ruchu oporu" [Mythologisation of memory around the dispute over the evaluation of the Polish and Lithuanian resistance movements] (PDF). Studia z historii społeczno-gospodarczej. XVIII.