User:Lfsq22/Gender in security studies

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Gender is a subject of interest in security studies, a subfield of International relations and comparative politics. Feminist security studies and queer securities studies have provided a gender lens which shows that the study of wars, conflicts, and the institutions involved in peace and security decision-making can't be done fully without examining the role of gender and sexuality.[1][2][3] Evolutionary theory and political sociology provides an understanding of how institutions like the patriarchy were created and how perceptions around national security formed between men and women.[4]

In order to understand gender, one must look at how hierarchies create power dynamics between masculine and feminine qualities.[1] Societal beliefs around gender and its relationship with security can be traced back to the the praising of masculine qualities for such positions.[3] This favor has enabled hierarchy of power and gender to form where femininity is looked down upon. Institutions reflect these power dynamics, creating systemic obstacles where women, who are seen as less capable than men, are prevented from holding high positions.[3] In order to obtain such positions, women have had to take on more masculine qualities.[5] Societal expectations of gender and its relationship to security, however, have been found to be erroneous and filled with bias.[6]

Gender plays a role in civil conflicts with who is in battle and who is receiving assistance. Women are sought by groups to fight and are also use as symbols for public audiences.[7] Ideas surrounding victimhood and gender, however, result in protection agencies overlooking men when providing aid.[8]

The international community has taken steps to recognize and improve women's participation in the security and peace sectors. United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1325 to improve women's involvement.[3] However, a sidestreaming phenomenon has formed in which women are kept in certain roles in the security sector while institutions promote inclusion in all aspects.[2] This has raised questions of whether the goal should be to include more women or to restructure existing institutions so that they are truly gender neutral.[2] Nepal has had success in improving women's involvement in their security and peace sectors through the use of civil society organizations.[9]

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Evolution Theory and Gender's Relationship to Security edit

Evolutionary theory has been used as a means to understand behavior of genders and how society has been structured as a result.[4] When groups began to form, dominance hierarchies were established as a way to keep stability within the group and ensure its safety with outside groups.[4] Evolutionary theory argues that such dominance hierarchies which aim to control women and reinforce violence with other men have evolved into the present patriarchy, regulating women’s reproductive abilities and shaping men's inclination to use violence when settling disputes.[4]

When tied with political sociology, evolutionary theory gains a new meaning to show that those who threaten the patriarchy and the nation are treated with violence. This explains why feminists have been met with such antagonism when trying to change societal structures since it is interpreted as a challenge to the male-created systems and thus the nation.[4] The effects of gender hierarchies can also be seen in the relationship between countries during conflict. States will project a feminine image of their adversaries while promoting a more masculine perception of themselves because of the power connotations created from the oppressive structure.[1]

Gender Bias and Gender Performance in Security edit

Laura Sjoberg points out questions in feminist scholarship to say that recognizing the role of all genders in conflict–as fighters, victims of sexual violence, soldiers of allied states, journalists, military leaders, etc–is important as it can show how societal ideas about gender affects behavior and influences people's actions.[1] Feminist scholars like Maya Eichler and Susan Willet explain that there are essentialist beliefs about female nature which make women appear more suitable for certain jobs[2]. For example, women peacekeepers are more utilized to help post-conflict communities and victims because ideas about women being nurturers and nonviolent.[2] However, these gender perceptions also cause women peacekeepers to be kept from decision-making negotiations with leaders of feuding states.[3]

Studies have examined whether the gender of leaders affects war outbreak. A 2015 study of leader characteristics and war outbreak found no significant relationship between the gender of leaders and war outbreak.[10] However, to gain and maintain status in elite policy in-groups, female leaders are incentivized to perform gender by signaling their toughness and competence through initiating conflict.[5] According to a 2020 study by Joshua A. Schwartz and Christopher W. Blair, gender stereotypes about leaders lead to audience costs, as women leaders are punished more severely for backing down after issuing threats.[11]

 
A group of men in Britain fixing a Breguet Biplane before World War I.

Gender bias appears in how positions are perceived as well. Historically in war, soldiers on aircrafts were thought to be less masculine because of how far away it was from the battlefield.[1] Aircrafts are also constructed solely with with male body in mind, further reinforcing the traditionalist ideas that women are interlopers in the military space.[1]

Errors with Gender Bias in Security Studies edit

When looking at public perceptions of security, Daniel Stevens and his peers found that contrary to public opinion research, men and women picked relatively similar points when thinking about what is important in terms of security.[6] While there were some differences, both saw "Physical Safety" as their primary concern. Additionally, data showed that stereotypes around women being more fearful about security threats was incorrect. Men were found to be more concerned while women approached scenarios with logic and reason.[6]

A 2020 study in Security Studies by Madison Schramm and Alexandra Stark, found that female leaders are more combative in certain institutional contexts: "the effects of a leader’s gender on foreign policy decision making vary with social and institutional context."[5] A 2020 study in the Journal of Political Economy found that European "polities led by queens engaged in war more than polities led by kings. While single queens were more likely to be attacked than single kings, married queens were more likely to attack than married kings."[12]

Conflict Prevention Through Gender Inclusion edit

 
The United Nation's Security Council voting at their conference to discuss Syria in 2015.

A turning point in the international communities’ recognition of gender in the security sector was the passing of the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 in 2000.[3] This resolution put forth the Women, Peace, and Security Agenda which consists of four points that aims to increase women's participation in the the security and peace sector while also improving the support women receive from institutions, considering their needs in conflict zones, military positions, peacekeeping roles, etc.[3] Eight resolutions were passed in the next two decades with ideas about how to advance the WPS Agenda.[3]

Mainstreaming vs. Sidestreaming edit

Vanessa Newby and Clotilde Sebag's definition of sidestreaming is:[2]

“...the practice, deliberate or unintentional, of sidelining women and relegating them to specialized spaces in international peace and security while attempting gender mainstreaming or increased gender integration.”

The UNSCR 1325 focuses on gender mainstreaming as it recommends the increased involvement of women in the security and peace sector. [2] However, perceptions of institutions like national militaries being gender-neutral have been confronted with a gender lens, showing that there are systemic factors resulting in a gender gap in the security sector.[3] Newby explains that countries with high numbers of women in their militaries send more women to post-conflict zones as peacekeepers.[2] However, militaries that have a smaller percentage of women serving, are not able to send as many, creating a gender gap. There are multiple factors that may prevent women from serving besides legal obstacles, such as recruitment strategies that advertise assisting or medical jobs to women rather than combat-related services and societal beliefs about motherhood and women’s capabilities. [2]

When thinking about the most progressive way to implement plans that will lead to gender inclusivity, two trains of thought emerge. Liberal feminist see gender inclusion as an opportunity to alter past systems and form more equitable institutions.[2] Minna Lyytikäinen shares that Nepal has been a model country in their implementation of the WPS agenda as they have utilized civil society organizations and women who were victims of conflict to draft a comprehensive and effective National Action Plan.[9] Anti-militarist feminists, however, argue that the addition of women to such institutions will not change their fundamental hegemonic masculine structures.[2]

References edit

  1. ^ a b c d e f Sjoberg, Laura (2015). "Seeing sex, gender, and sexuality in international security". International Journal. 70 (3): 434–453. ISSN 0020-7020.
  2. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Newby, Vanessa F.; Sebag, Clotilde (2021-05). "Gender sidestreaming? Analysing gender mainstreaming in national militaries and international peacekeeping". European Journal of International Security. 6 (2): 148–170. doi:10.1017/eis.2020.20. ISSN 2057-5637. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h i "Applying a Gender Lens to Security Studies". THE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS REVIEW. Retrieved 2023-03-24.
  4. ^ a b c d e "The Heart of the Matter: The Security of Women and the Security of States". Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs. Retrieved 2023-05-04.
  5. ^ a b c Schramm, Madison; Stark, Alexandra (2020-05-21). "Peacemakers or Iron Ladies? A Cross-National Study of Gender and International Conflict". Security Studies. 29 (3): 515–548. doi:10.1080/09636412.2020.1763450. ISSN 0963-6412.
  6. ^ a b c Stevens, Daniel; Bulmer, Sarah; Banducci, Susan; Vaughan-Williams, Nick (2021-02). "Male warriors and worried women? Understanding gender and perceptions of security threats". European Journal of International Security. 6 (1): 44–65. doi:10.1017/eis.2020.14. ISSN 2057-5637. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  7. ^ Wood, Reed M. (2019-10-10). "Female Fighters". doi:10.7312/wood19298. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  8. ^ Carpenter, R. Charli (2003). "'Women and Children First': Gender, Norms, and Humanitarian Evacuation in the Balkans 1991–95". International Organization. 57 (4): 661–694. doi:10.1017/s002081830357401x. ISSN 0020-8183.
  9. ^ a b Lyytikäinen, Minna; Yadav, Punam (2022-03-15). "Capitalising on UNSCR 1325: The Construction of Best Practices for the Women, Peace and Security Agenda". Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding. 16 (2): 123–141. doi:10.1080/17502977.2021.1913566. ISSN 1750-2977.
  10. ^ Horowitz, Michael C.; Stam, Allan C.; Ellis, Cali M. (2015-09-29). Why Leaders Fight. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-02293-5.
  11. ^ Schwartz, Joshua A.; Blair, Christopher W. (2020). "Do Women Make More Credible Threats? Gender Stereotypes, Audience Costs, and Crisis Bargaining". International Organization. 74 (4): 872–895. doi:10.1017/s0020818320000223. ISSN 0020-8183.
  12. ^ Dube, Oeindrila; Harish, S. P. (2020-07). "Queens". Journal of Political Economy. 128 (7): 2579–2652. doi:10.1086/707011. ISSN 0022-3808. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)