User:Dlv999/Secondary sources indicating Transjordan and Palestine were separate geopolitical entities during the mandate era

This workpage documents a number of sources I have consulted regarding the ongoing discussions and development of British Mandate for Palestine and related pages.

Secondary sources indicating Transjordan and Palestine were separate geopolitical entities during the mandate era

During World War I, Transjordan (as it was then called) was the scene of most of the fighting of the great Arab Revolt against Ottoman rule. Assisted by the British and the famous Lawrence of Arabia (T. E. Lawrence), Sharif Hussein of Mecca led this successful revolt, which contributed to the Ottoman defeat in World War I and to the eventual establishment of the various Arab states. Jordan originally fell under the rule of King Faisal, son of Sharif Hussein and the principal military leader of the Arab Revolt. Jordanians, along with their Arab brothers from other regions, served in the new Arab government and sat in its parliament. After King Faisal was forced from the throne in July 1920 by the French military, the British high commissioner of Palestine, Sir Herbert Samuel, went to the town of Salt in Transjordan and declared that the territory, as had been secretly agreed by the British and French in the Sykes-Picot Agreement during World War I, was part of the British mandate of Palestine. Amir (Prince) Abdullah, a younger son of Sharif Hussein, arrived in Jordan in the fall of 1920 with the intent of regaining Damascus for his Hashemite family. Because he had gained a following, the British decided to recognize his leadership in that territory and provide him with a subsidy in exchange for his not pursuing his original Damascus intentions. This arrangement was confirmed in a March 27, 1921, meeting between then colonial secretary, Winston Churchill, and Amir Abdullah. In addition, Jordan was officially removed from Britain's Palestine mandate and given a mandate status of its own. (pg 45-46)

Between the two world wars, Amir Abdullah, with considerable assistance from Britain, established Hashemite authority in Jordan, basing his rule in the new capital of Amman. (pg 45-46)

Source: Gruber, Peter (1991) Historical Dictionary of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan [1]

Chronology

1917-1918 Jordan conquered by Sharif Hussein's forces and the British.

1919 Amir (Prince) Faisal, son of Sharif Hussein, rules Jordan from Damascus.

1920 Faisal declared king; Britain given mandate over Jordan (then called Transjordan) and Palestine at San Remo Conference; Faisal driven out of Damascus by French forces; British high commissioner for Palestine declares Jordan to be a British mandate; Amir Abdullah, another son of Sharif Hussein, enters Jordan.

1921 Amir Abdullah meets Colonial Secretary Churchill and is accepted as the ruler of Jordan under the British mandate.

1922 The Arab Legion, Jordan's armed forces, founded; Colonel F. Peake is first commander. (pg 13-14)

Source: Gruber, Peter (1991) Historical Dictionary of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan [2]

Transition of Transjordan from province of Faysal's Kingdom of Syria to territory under British influence

Since the end of the war the territory north of Ma'an had been ruled by Damascus as a province of Faysal's Kingdom of Syria. Although it fell within the British zone according to the Sykes-Picot agreemen, Britain was content with the arrangement because it favoured Arab rule in the interior and Faysal was, after all, British protege. However, when France occupied Damascus the picture canged dramatically. Britain did not want to see France extend its control southward to the borders of Palestine and closer to the Suez Canal.Small text It suddenly became important to know 'what is the "Sryria" for whch the French recieved a mandate at San Remo?' and 'does it include Transjordania?'²³The British foreign secretary, Lord Curzon, decided tha it did not and that Britain henceforth would regard the area as independent, but in 'closest relation' with Palestine.²⁴ (pg 44)

Source: Wilson, Mary (1990) King Abdullah, Britain and the Making of Jordan [3]

On August 7, 1920, Herbert Samuel, the recently appointed high commissioner in Palestine, cabled London requesting permission to include Trans-Jordan directly under his administrative control, thereby allowing him to take the necessary steps to restore order in the territory. This would eliminate the threat of a French attempt to control the region from Damascus. London, however, troubled by a declining economy at home and seeking ways to reduce military expenditures, was unwilling to commit any significant resources to an area that it considered to be of only marginal value. Curzon therefore rejected Samuel’s appeal and proposed instead that a few political officers be sent to “such places as Salt and Kerak, provided that no military escorts are necessary to ensure their safety…. The duties of these officers should be confined to encouraging local self-government and to giving such advice as is asked for by the people…. There must be no question of setting up any British Administration in that area.”35 (pg 158)

Source: Sicker, Martin (1999) Reshaping Palestine: From Muhammad Ali to the British Mandate, 1831-1922

Samuel’s 1920 meeting in Salt (Transjordan) announcing British policies for the territory

Samuel then organised a meeting of Transjordanian leaders at Salt on 21 August, at which he would announce British plans. (pg 46)

On 20 August Samuel and a few political officers left Jerusalem by car, headed for the Jordan river, the frontier of British territory at that time. ‘It is an entirely irregular proceeding,’ he noted, ‘my going outside my own jurisdiction into a country which was Faisal’s, and is still being administered by the Damascus Government, now under French influence. But it is equally irregular for a government under French influence to be exercising functions in territory which is agreed to be within the British sphere: and of the two irregularities I prefer mine.’32........... (pg 46)

The meeting, held in the courtyard of the Catholic church, was attended by about 600 people..... Sentence by sentence his speech describing British policy was translated into Arabic: political officers would be stationed in towns to help organize local governments; Transjordan would not come under Palestinian administration; there would be no conscription and no disarmament...... On balance, Samuel’s statement of policy was unobjectionable. Three things feared by the Arabs of Transjordan – conscription, disarmament, and annexation by Palestine - were abjured.... The presence of a few British agents, unsupported by troops, seemed a small concession in return for the protection Britain’s presence would afford against the French, who, it was feared, might press their occupation southward. (pg 46-47)

Samuel returned to Jerusalem well pleased with the success of his mission. He left behind several officers to see to the administration of Transjordan and the maintenance of British influence.(pg 48)

Source: Wilson, Mary (1990) King Abdullah, Britain and the Making of Jordan [4]

Abdullah's arrival in Transjordan 1920

Abdullah’s arrival in Ma’an on 21 November threatened to disrupt Samuel’s cosy arrangement. According to reports, Abdullah had a force of 300 men and six machine guns........ (Pg 48)

Source: Wilson, Mary (1990) King Abdullah, Britain and the Making of Jordan [5]

In January 1921, it was reported in Kerak that Abdullah was advancing toward the town at the head of his army. Kirkbride appealed to Samuel for instructions. The political officer had a total force of only fifty Arab policemen at his disposal and quite simply did not know what to do. Several weeks later he received the following reply from Jerusalem: “It is considered most unlikely that the Emir Abdullah would advance into territory which is under British control.”39 (pg 159-160)

Two days later Abdullah’s troops marched into British-controlled Moab. Unable to stop him, Kirkbride decided to welcome him instead. With Abdullah’s arrival the National Government of Moab went out of existence. Buoyed by his easy success, he decided to proceed to Amman. By the end of March 1921 Abdullah and his small army had effectively occupied most of Trans-Jordan unopposed.(pg 160)

There seemed to be only two options. Either the British army had to be sent in to evict him or the French had to be allowed to cross the frontier to accomplish the task. Both courses of action were considered to be completely unacceptable. The government was simply not prepared to go to the expense of sending an army to fight in a territory of such marginal importance as Trans-Jordan, and it was equally inconceivable that British policy would permit French intervention and occupation of the area. There was, however, another alternative, which was suggested by Churchill. He observed that it was most important that the government of Trans-Jordan be compatible with that of Iraq because British strategy called for a direct overland link between Egypt and the Persian Gulf, which would have to cross both territories. Since in the meantime Feisal had been given the throne of Iraq, it might well serve British purposes to make his brother, Abdullah, ruler of Trans-Jordan or to appoint an indigenous leader approved by him. (pg 161)

Source:Sicker, Martin (1999) Reshaping Palestine: From Muhammad Ali to the British Mandate, 1831-1922 [6]

March 1921 meeting between Abdullah and Churchill

Abdullah began by suggesting the unification of Palestine and Transjordan under an Arab ruler, or the unification of Transjordan and Iraq. Both ideas were firmly squashed. In the end he agreed to take responsibility for Transjordan alone for a period of six months. .........It was further agreed that no British troops would be stationed there.(pg 53)

With this agreement, the division of the Fertile Crescent into separate states dominated by either Britain or France was completed. Despite the short term nature of the arrangement, Transjordan proved to be a lasting creation. For Abdullah himself his six months lasted a life time. (pg 53)

Source: Wilson, Mary (1990) King Abdullah, Britain and the Making of Jordan [7]

In return for providing a rudimentary administration and obviating the need for British military occupation, Abdullah in March 1921 gained assurance from Churchhill, then Colonial Secretary, that no Jews would be allowed to settle in Transjordan. That guarantee effectively created Transjordan as an Arab country apart from Palestine, where the British commitment to a 'national home' remained a delicate problem between Abdullah and the British. (pg 348)

Source: Roger Louis, William (1985)The British Empire in the Middle East, 1945-1951 [8]

Early days of Abdullah's rule

Abdullah accepted Churchill’s offer and returned to Amman to organise his new rule. He dissolved the local governments formed by the British and established three administrative provinces (liwa’): cAjlun, Balqa’ and Karak. On 11 April 1921 he formed his first government. The newly appointed central administration was mainly staffed by Arab nationalist exiles. The first government was composed of four Syrians, a Palestinian, a Hijazi and only one native Transjordanian. The British offered financial assistance, administrative guidance and military support from Palestine upon request and maintained a watchful position. The sole organised and effective military force at hand was a Hijazi household army of some 200 men under Hashemite command. Peake’s Reserve Force was still under construction and dysfunctional. (pg 40)

From early 1922 until the autumn of 1923 the country enjoyed a period of stability during which the central administration succeeded in asserting its authority over the settled population. A change of personalities, resulting in more sympathetic British Representatives, Abdullah’s recognition of his precarious situation, and an improved attitude of the Palestine government towards the independent administration of the country, contributed to the stabilisation of Transjordan and the subjugation of the settled tribes to the government’s authority. More importantly, the resurrection of the Reserve Force, later renamed the Arab Legion, allowed for this success. (pg 49)

Thus, in the summer of 1922, the government managed to gain the submission of the settled and semi-settled tribes. Peake and Philby reported on the satisfactory collection of taxes and good public order.45 Macan Abu Nowar asserts that, as early as August 1922, Abdullah could already point to several achievements in the process of state-building. His government maintained law and order, improved tax-collection, opened new schools and clinics, built roads, established telegraph and post office services and created sharci and civil courts. (pg 50)

Source: Alon, Yoav (2009) The Making of Jordan: Tribes, Colonialism and the Modern State [9]

Legal aspects to the creation of Transjordan as a separate political entity

The arbitrary creation by Britain of an Arab Emirate of Transjordan required a previously nonexisting legal framework to be concocted in order to allow this new entity to be formally recognized. Colonel Meinertzhagen noted this in his diary on June 21, 1921. “The Colonial Office and the Palestine Administration have now declared that the articles of the mandate relating to the Jewish Home are not applicable to Transjordan and that the severance of Transjordan from Palestine is in accordance with the terms of the McMahon pledge. This discovery was not made until it became necessary to appease an Arab Emir.”45(pg 163-164)

Balfour submitted the first draft of the Palestine Mandate to the Council of the League of Nations on December 6, 1920. There was nothing in that document that would provide the basis for distinguishing Trans-Jordan from the rest of Palestine. Of course, this was before Abdullah’s appearance on the scene in the territory and Churchill’s decision to strike a bargain with him. To deal with the new political reality, a revised draft of the mandate was released in August 1921, which incorporated the change in British policy. In this revised final draft of the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine, a device was included that provided the “after the fact” basis for Britain’s separation of Trans-Jordan from Palestine. The revised Article 25 stated: “In the territories lying between the Jordan and the eastern boundary of Palestine as ultimately determined, the Mandatory shall be entitled, with the consent of the Council of the League of Nations, to postpone or withhold application of such provisions of this mandate as he may consider inapplicable to the existing local conditions, and to make such provision for the administration of the territories as he may consider suitable to those conditions.” (pg 164)

On July 24, 1922, the League of Nations approved the terms of the British mandate covering Palestine and Transjordan (pg 164)

Notwithstanding the new version of the mandate, the Zionist leaders at the time were unwilling to consider the exclusion of Trans-Jordan from the Jewish homeland as an accomplished fact. They viewed it as a clear and cynical betrayal of commitments made to them by Britain in collusion with the major powers, and something they could not accept without a struggle. There was a sense that the effect of the partition could be undone by creating facts on the ground that negated it. Thus, at the Twelfth Zionist Congress held that same year, Weizmann stated, while discussing the question of Palestine’s eastern frontier: “The question will be still better answered when Cisjordania is so full of Jews that a way is forced into Transjordania.”47 However, this expectation proved to be illusory. (pg 164-165)

Source:Sicker, Martin (1999) Reshaping Palestine: From Muhammad Ali to the British Mandate, 1831-1922 [10]