The fact of Mlabri (Yumbri) and Khmu edit
The name of Mlabri edit
Since the middle to the end of the 20th century AD there have been a lot of controversy between researchers on the name and language of Mlabri (Yumbri). In the Bernatzik's expedition in 1936-1937 called the minority "Yumbri" [juːm.briʔ], in the work of new researchers leaded by Kraisri in 1963 called the minority "Mrabri" [Mraː.briʔ], Richsel in 1982 and many other researchers and authors called the minority "Mlabri" [Mlaː.briʔ]. There was another author even wrote unreasonably and irresponsibly that the name Mlabri is a Thai/Lao alteration of the word "Mrabri", which appears to come from a Khmuic term "people of the forest", and that in Khmu, "mra" means "person" and "bri" "forest". In fact, the word "Mra" and "Mla" are not Kmuic language, there are no meaning in Khmuic; the most important point is that Khmuic has no "m" stands in front of other consonants of any word or syllable (no mb, mc, md, mf, mg, mh, mj, mk, ml, ...). According to the telling of old Khmuic people in Sayabouly province during the 1970's said that << Before, there was a minority living in the forest, the minority called them-self "Yum" /Yuːːm̥/; they called other ethnic minorities and Keumhmu (Khmu) "Kua" /kuaːː/; "Je Tin" /ɟɛʔ Tin̥/ , "Je Prai" /ɟɛʔ Prăĭ/, and some other minorities called them "Yum" /Yum̥/ or "Mla" /mla/; "Je Lao" /ɟɛʔ Lao/ (Lao ethnic) called them "phau Tong Leuang" /pʰaù tɔŋ.lɨaŋ/ which means "yellow leave ethnic" or "yellow leave minority"---"phau" means "ethnic" or "minority", "tong" means "leave" which mostly refers to banana leave, "leuang" means "yellow"; Keumhmu /Kɨ̆m̥.hmuʔ/ called them in two ways such as "Je Yum" /ɟɛʔ jum̥/, and "Je Bri" /ɟɛʔ briʔ/ ("Je Bri" is an impolite name which means "a minority or a people group of the forest"); Keumhmu people called the person/s or people of Je Yum or Je Bri "gon Je Yum" /gŏn̥ ɟɛʔ jum̥/ or "gon Je Bri" /gŏn̥ ɟɛʔ briʔ/----"bri" is a Khmuic term which means "forest", it also means "land", "weather", and "the situation of the day" Ex: 1. "yad da bri Chin ah gon geu beng" means " There are too many people in Chinese land", 2. "si gi bri kma" means "Today, the weather is rainy" or "Today is rainy", 3. "reh!, bri bah mom" means "get up! It has been bright already (the sun has already shined)". The Je Yum's houses were small huts covered with leaves, and they leaved away when the leaves had become yellow; they mostly practiced hunting-guttering and a little practiced agriculture; they planted some kinds of wild root crops especially wild yams scatter by clearing small areas and planted the small siblings of the wild yams in the cleared areas, one sibling in each cleared area; whenever they came and meet the planted wild yams or natural yams had grown enough, they dug and planted the siblings again, they got away the big and long tuberous roots and cooked for food. Each small cleared area is about 2 "Seunda" long and 2 "Seunda" wide ("Seunda" /sɨ̆n̥.daʔ/ is a Khmuic term which means "to stretch the thumb and the middle finger", Seunda is a kind of traditional length measurement of Khmu and many other minorities in Indo-China Peninsula using stretching length from the end point of the thumb to the end point of the middle finger, one Seuanda equal about 22 centimetres). Sometimes they also planted wild mango using its fruits the same way as they planted wild yams; they hunted wild animals using spears. Je Yum people often traded (barter trade) with Keumhmu people, they brought rattan, honey, and wax to exchange rices, salts, tobaccos, and steels from Keumhmu. Keumhmu people did not understand Je Yum language, but some Je Yum adults learned and understood a little Keumhmu language. Je Yum used Je Lao (especially Northern Lao), Keumhmu, and Je Hmong /ɟɛʔ hmoŋ̊/ languages as communication languages; they spoke Je Lao or a little Keumhmu languages when they communicated with Keumhmu, spoke Je Lao and a little Je Hmong languages when they communicated with Je Hmong, and spoke Je Lao language when they communicated with other remaining minorities >> Do be in mind that there is no "bri" after "Yum" and "Mla"; Bernatzik added "bri" /briʔ/ after "Yum" and got "Yumbri" /juːm.briʔ/, he might think that "Yum" means "human", "person/s" or "people" which might come from any other language, so he added "bri" to make it match or compatible with a Lao-Tai word "khon pa" which means "human, person/s or people of the forest" (In fact, in the past, Lao people mostly called the minority "phau Tong Leuang", least called "Khon Pa"; only Thai people always called "Khon Pa"). After that, the new researchers and authors had the same idea as Bernartzik, they added "bri" /briʔ/ after Mra or Mla and got "Mrabri" /Mraːbriʔ/ or "Mlabri" /Mlaːbriʔ/, they also did this to make it match the aforesaid Lao-Tai word "khon pa". In the present day, some Lao authors change the name Mrabri or Mlabri to Mabri or just Ma, and then classify Mabri in Laos as "Mabri Laos", and Mabri in Thailand as "Mabri Gnuan" /ma.bri ɲuan̥/ although if call "Mabri Thai" is more sensible. Except Mlabri, Lao people also call Kri /Kri/ minority in Khammuan province "phau tong leuang", they even grouped Kri with Mlabri by reason that these two minorities have the same lift style; however, to group Kri with Mlarbri is wrong because they are not related to each other, they are different minorities, and they speak different languages; Mlabri people speak their own language which has a few basic words resemble Tin-Prai, Khmuic, and Northern Lao-Tai (Lao-Tai language in Northern Laos and Northern Thailand); as for Kri people, they speak Vietmeung language (recently called Vietic) which is an Eastern Mon-Khmer.
The life style of Mlabri edit
Mlabri settle in Northern Thailand and Northwestern of Laos (Meuang Phiang district of Saignabouly (Sayabouly) province located in Northwestern part of Laos. Mlabri is nomadic and hunter-gatherer, they wear loincloths, they make handicraft and metallurgy, they hunt wild animals using spear, they gather wild yams, wild vegetables, and wild fruits. Some Lao-Tai authors said and wrote that Mlabri gathered wild yams, taros, and sweet potatoes from the wild or forest. Wild yams are true, but wild taros and wild sweet potatoes are not, because taros and sweet potatoes can not grow in the environment of the wild or the forest by them-self, they can grow only in the environment of cultivation by taking care and weeding of people; if Mlabri people exactly gathered taros and sweet potatoes from the forest, then it means that Mlabri people have ever planted taros and sweet potatoes, and it means that they have ever practiced a little agriculture exactly.
The name of Khmu edit
Khmuic people call them-self "Keumhmu" /Kɨ̆m̥.hmuʔ/ which means "human", "person/s" or "people"; it contrasts animals and things; it is also the name of the Khmuic ethnic and the name of one of several Khmuic subgroups, the Keumhmu or Khmu subgroup. The word "Khmu" /Kʰmŭ/ is an alteration of the word "Kmhmu" which is again alteration of the word "Keumhmu" by ethnologists or researchers. In Khmuic, the term "gon" [gŏn̥] also means "human", "person/s" or "people", it is used to refer to person/s or people in general, Ex: "gon Keumhmu" refers to general Khmuic person/s or people, it can be any person/s or people of any Khmuic subgroup (Khmuic: "seng" /sɛŋ̊/) living in the same or in diferent local areas or residences (different villages, districts, provinces, states, or countries); "gon Lao" refers to person/s or people of Laos in general, it can be any person/s or people of any minority who are citizens of Laos; "gon" is also used as a unit of number of person/s or people, Ex: "moi gon" /moi gŏn̥/ means "one person", "bar gon" /bar gŏn̥/ means "two persons", and so on. In Khmuic, the word "Tmoi" /Tmɔi/ is used when any Khmuic subgroup refers to other Khmuic subgroups, Ex: Khmu Ou call them-self (their own subgroup) "Keumhmu Ou" /Kɨ̆m̥.hmuʔ U/ or just "Keumhmu", call the person/s or people of their own subgroup as "gon Keumhmu Ou" or just "gon Keumhmu"; and call Khmu Rok as "Tmoi Rok" /Tmɔi Rɔk̥/ or just "Tmoi", called the person/s or people of Khmu Rok as "gon Tmoi Rok" or just "gon Tmoi"; in reverse, Khmu Rok call them-self (their own subgroup) "Keumhmu Rok" /Kɨ̆m̥.hmuʔ Rɔk̥/ or just "Keumhmu", call the person/s or people of their own subgroup as "gon Keumhmu Rok" or just "gon Kheumhmu"; and call Khmu Ou as "Tmoi Ou" or just "Tmoi", call the person/s or people of Khmu Ou as "gon Tmoi Ou" or just "gon Tmoi", and so on. "Tmoi" is also used to refer to person/s or people of the same subgroup living in different areas or residences (different villages, districts, provinces, states, or countries), Ex: Person/s or people of Khmu Ou living in Luangprabang province call Khmu Ou and person/s or people of Khmu Ou living in Phongsaly province as "Tmoi Ou Phongsaly" or just "Tmoi Phongsaly", "gon Tmoi Ou Phongsaly", or just "gon Tmoi Phongsaly", and vice versa. In Khmuic, the term "Je" /ɟɛʔ/ refers to other ethnics or minorities (it is used like a prefix for names of other ethnics or minorities), Ex: "Je Lao" /ɟɛʔ lao/ refers to Lao ethnic, "gon Je Lao" refers to person/s or people of Lao ethnic. There are 13 recognizable Khmuic subgroups ("seng" /sɛŋ/ in Khmuic) such as 1. Keumhmu (Khmu) /kɨ̆m̥.hmuʔ/, 2. Keumhmu Chang /Kɨ̆m̥.hmuʔ Caŋ̊/, 3. Keumhmu Cheuang /Kɨ̆m̥.hmuʔ Cɨaŋ̊/, 4. Keumhmu Chuang /Kɨ̆m̥.hmuʔ Cuaŋ̊/, 5. Keumhmu Kasak /Kɨ̆m̥.hmuʔ Ka.sak̥/, 6. Keumhmu Kaye /Kɨ̆m̥.hmuʔ Ka.ʝɤ̞/, 7. Keumhmu Khrong /Kɨ̆m̥.hmuʔ Kʰrɔŋ̊/, 8. Keumhmu Khwen /Kɨ̆m̥.hmuʔ Kʰwɛn̥/, 9. Keumhmu Leu /Kɨ̆m̥.hmuʔ Lɨʔ/, 10. Keumhmu Me /Kɨ̆m̥.hmuʔ Me/, 11. Keumhmu Rok /Kɨ̆m̥.hmuʔ Rɔk̥/, 12. Keumhmu Ou /Kɨ̆m̥.hmuʔ U/, and 13. Keumhmu Yuan /Kɨ̆m̥.hmuʔ juan̥/. As for Keumhmu Chuang and Keumhmu Kaye disappeared, no any group of Keumhmu (Khmu) claim to be Keumhmu Chuang or Keumhmu Kaye. According to the old telling of old Khmuic people said that, in the ancient time, the home land of Keumhmu Chuang was located in the Southern part of the ancient Khmuic land which was bordered with the Northern part of "Pte Je Khrom"; and in the past, Khmuic people in the area of the present day Bolikhamsay province were referred to as "Keumhmu Chuang", however in the present day they have just called them-self "Keumhmu". In the past, Khmuic people always referred to Khmu in Longcheng (present day Longcheng district of Saysomboun province of Laos) "Tmoi Kaye", but in the present day they just call them-self "Keumhmu". Do be in mind that there are some authors misunderstand and refer to Khmu Chang in Luangnamtha province as Khmu Cheuang or Khmu Chuang; and misunderstand that the Eastern Khmu who live in the Northeastern part of Laos and Northwestern part of Vietnam are Khmu Ou by reason that they speak the same Khmuic tone. In fact, Khmu in Huaphan province is Khmu subgroup; other Khmuic subgroups have never called Khmu in Huaphan, Xiagnkwang, Viangchan, and Bolikhamsay provinces "Tmoi Ou"; they have ever called just "Tmoi"; some of Khmu subgroup have also lived in the Eastern part of Luangprabang, Northern part of Xiangkhwang (Xiengkhuang), and Viangchan (Vientiane) provinces, and a few living in the Senla province of Vietnam; there are no Khmu subgroup in Western part of Laos, Thailand, Myanmar, and China; Khmu in these area are Khmu leu, Khmu Khrong, Khmu Khwen, Khmu Rok, and Khmu Yuan. Most of Khmu living in Phongsaly province, Northeastern and the whole central part of Luangprabang province, and Dien Bien Phu province of Vietnam are Khmu Ou, Some Khmuic people living in Xiangkhwang province and in the other provinces in the Northwest of Vientnam mostly are Khmu Cheuang; however, in the present day they always call them-self just "Keumhmu". These 13 Khmuic subgroups speak the same Khmuic language which are intelligible among them-self; there are only a few words and tones different.
The life style of Khmu edit
For thousands of years Khmu have been the society of agriculture, handicraft, metallurgy, totems, animists, and worshiping various deities; the Khmuic principal spirits are the spirits of the ancestors, sky, earth, land, forest, stream, river, village, house, livestock, rice, and more. Khmu mostly settle in the mountainous areas of Laos, some in Vietnam, Thailand, Myanmar, and China; they establish their villages constantly in the mountain slopes and small plains; mostly adjacent to the streams, a few adjacent to the rivers; except in case there are serious situation especially war occurring, Khmu may migrate to settle new villages. In Laos, Khmu settle from the Northern to the central part, from Phongsaly to Bolikhamxay provinces. Note that there are some organizations and some authors of Laos grouped Kri into Khmu; and refer that Khmuic people settle from Northern to Khammuan province in the central part of Laos, this is another idea of trying to make biased information; Khmu and Kri are much different from each other at both culture and language; and in fact, there are no Khmu settle in Khammuan province in the present day. The old traditional villages of Khmu are fenced around with two public gates for small villages, one in the East and one in the West; and with four public gates for medium villages, one in the East, one in the West, one in the North, and one in the South; the rice barns and domestic animals hutches are built off the village fences. The big villages also has four public gates but mostly with no fences, the rice barns and the domestic animal hutches were built off and in the rear of the houses. The domestic animals that have been raised by Khmu are chickens, ducks, pigs, goats, buffaloes, horses, cows and bulls, and occasionally pigeons, gooses, rabbits, and white rats; the pets are dogs and cats; in some villages also raise elephants. The old traditional houses of Khmu had various styles and structures which depended on each subgroup and the status of each family; however, all are laid long along the direction of the sun (it is taboo to intersect the direction of the sun) and are raised off the ground on stilts with roofs and roofed gabbles, the top roofs are longer than the walls; with outdoor and indoor balconies; in the ancient time, each house must have a lucky pillar or lucky pole ("cheungdrang khoun" /cɨ̆n̥.drăŋ̊.kʰun̥/ or "hlak khoun" /hlăk̥.kʰun̥/ in Khmuic) built in the front west yard, next to the North or South side of the west part of the house which depends on the condition of the place where the houses was built in. Each subgroup had its own style or structure, the poor or the common families built smaller, simple styles and structures with only three stilt lines. The houses of the chiefs and the higher status families were bigger, had more complex styles and structures with five or six stilt lines. The houses made of woods or bamboos, the roofs covered with thatches, bamboos, or wood tiles also depends on the chief positions and the status of each family. Each house had a sacred alter for worshiping the spirits of the ancestors and the house; some families built the altars outside the houses, and some built inside the houses which depended on the condition of each house and family. In the long past, the houses of "lgul", "phia", "adgna", and some high status families were all made of wood and covered the roofs with wood tiles; the houses of "lguls" and "adgnas" were mostly dual houses with dual roofs which different from the houses of other chief positions and common people; in the ancient time, the houses of "phagna" and "khoun" were more complex and bigger than those of "lgul", "adgna", and "phia"---- the terms "lgul" /lgul̥/, "adgna" /ad̥.ɲa/, "phia" /pʰia/, "phagna" /pʰă.ɲa/, and "khoun" /kʰŭn̥/ are the position names of ancient Khmuic administration system; "lgul" is the position name of Khmuic village chief who administrated and controlled a small village (around 15 to 30 households) or medium village (around 31 to 50 households), the term "lgul" has still been used until the present day, even though the chief of a big village; "phia" is the position name of Khmuic village chief who administrated and controlled a big village (over 50 households); "adgna" is the position name of deputy "phia". "lgul", "adgna", and "phia" are altogether called "nai kung" /nai.kŭŋ̊/ in Khmuic which means "village chief" or "head of village"; "phagna" is the position name of district chief who administrated and controlled the whole district which included many villages; "khoun" means "king" who governed and controlled the whole country ("pte" in old Khmuic or "pathed" in modern Khmuic) or kingdom ("kwen" in old Khmuic) which included many districts; nowadays; there are no more "adgna", "phia", "phagna", and "khoun". In the present day, the old traditional Khmuic houses mostly disappeared, even though there are still some houses built of woods and bamboos, but the size, the styles, and the structures have some differences; a lot of Khmuic people build ground floor houses like international styles. Besides the living houses, there is a common house built in the center of each village, and raised on stilts; there was another small hut shorter than the common house built with ground floor (not raised on the stilts) and laid long parallel in the rear of the common house, this small hut was for metallurgy and forging; there was also a lucky pole built adjacent to the common house. In the past, there were also sacred houses (Khmuic: "sala" /sa.la/) built outside off the village fence, at least one sacred house for a small village, the medium and big villages might have three or more sacred houses, the sacred house were also raised off the ground on stilts; mostly, the top roof of a sacred house was shorter than the wall, with large roofed gabbles in the East and in the West side of the house, and a large outdoor balcony in the front side with a large stair; another room with its own roof was built connected perpendicularly to the rear side of the main sacred house and also raised on stilts, this room was reserved for a shaman with his altar for his mantra; there was a lucky pole built in the yard of each sacred house. Each sacred house was took care of and controlled by a shaman, the number of the sacred houses of a village depends on the number of shaman in the village. Do be in mind that there is a tourist site in Oudomsay province of Laos called "Nam Kat Yorla Pa"; the owner mixed Khmuic and Lao-Tai words and said that it is Khmuic language and that Khmuic people called like that, this is not true; "Nam" is a Lao-Tai word which means "water", "kat" or "kad" /kăd̥/ is a Khmuic word which works like an averb and it describes the grade of the word "huch" /huc/ (cool), Ex: "huch kad" means "it is very very cool like it can tear the skin of and break the bone or something like that, especially when we touch the water during the winter season. It is a little synonymous with the word "beng" in Khmuic which means "too" or "so"; so, "huch kad" can mean "too cool" or "so cool". In fact, there is a stream there, Khmuic called the stream "hrong om kat" /hrŏŋ̊ ŏm̊ kăd̥/ or just "om kat'----"om" means "water" or "river" (here it means "water"), "hrong" means "stream"; so "om kat" means "too cool water" or "so cool water", and "hrong om kat" means "the stream of too cool water" or "the stream of so cool water". The phrase "om kat" is equivalent to Lao-Tai phrase "yen chat" /jĕn̥.căd̥/, "yen chiu" /jĕn̥.ciab̥/, or "yen chiab" /jĕn̥.ciú/. The word "Yor" is an alteration of Khmuic word "yoh" /jɔɦ/ which means "go", "La" /laʔ/ is a Khmuic word which means "trek", and "Pa" /pà/ is a Lao-Tai word which means "forest" or "bri" /briʔ/ in Khmuic. So if the whole phrase is transcribed in Khmuic, it would be "hrong om kad yoh la bri" or "om kad yoh la bri"; in fact, it will be more suitable if call "yoh la bri hrong om kad" orv "yoh la bri om kad" which means "treking the forest of the stream of too cool water" or "trekking the forest of too cool water" respectively. In the Nat Kat Yorla Pa, a small Khmuic village was established; considering the styles of the construction of the village it is exactly not village or "kung" /kŭŋ̊/ in Khmuic; it is called a "snam" /snăm̊/ in Khmuic; the huts built in the village are also exactly not houses or "gang" /gaŋ̊/ in Khmuic, they are called "sman" or "ch.o" /c.oʔ/ in Khmuic----the "snam" is a place or a hut locates far away from the village and adjacent to the rice swidden fields ("hre hngo" /hreʔ.hŋɔʔ/ in Khmuic), so that each family can live in its own "snam", and not necessary to go back home in the village every day in order to save time for practicing the rice swidden fields; normally, there are only about 3 to 7 "snams" in a "snam", one "snam" for one family; one village can have many "snams"; "ch.o" is a hut built alone in the center of a "hre" or a "thin" /tʰĭn̥/ which called "ch.o hre" or "ch.o thin" respectively, the purpose of "ch.o hre" is the same as those of the "snam"----"thin" is a kind of Khmuic swidden fields in which many kinds of crops are cultivated, except rice. Khmu is agricultural nation who has practiced both argriculture and hunting-gathering since the ancient time, the agricultural system which Khmuic people have practiced are swidden fields (dry field using slashing and burning Technic); Khmu have three kinds of swidden fields such as "hre" /hreʔ/ or "hre hngo" /hreʔ.hŋɔʔ/, "thin" /tʰin̥/, and "suan" /suan̥/. The "hre" is wide and located far from the village, rice is only cultivated in "hre", so Khmuic people call it "hre hngo" which means "rice swidden fields"----"hgno" /hŋɔʔ/ means "rice". Rice cultivated in "hre hngo" mostly are white sticky rice, a little black sticky rice and a little normal rice; these three kinds of rices are cultivated separately in the same "hre hngo". Khmuic people consume rice as staple food, consume corn, taro, yam, and cassava as secondary food; however, in some situation, these crops are also consumed as staple food especially during the last one or two months before reaching the new rice harvesting season; this situation mostly occurring in case people encounter serious situation such as drought and pests which leaded to low rice production in the previous year and not sufficient for consumption. Some kinds of crops are also planted together with rice in "hre hngo" such as sorghum, sesame, taro, yam, bean, bong bean, yam bean, peanut, chili, basil, ginger, eggplant, long eggplant, cucumber, melon, watermelon, gourds, pigeon pea, job's tear, a kind of sugar cane (Khmuic: "kwai k-yong", planted by using its seeds), tobacco (mostly cultivated in "thin"), and more. In the past, each family had at least 5 to 7 land places for "hres" or "hre hngo" practicing (a small family had 5 to 7 land places, a big family might had 7 to 10 land places for "hre hngo"), the "hre hngo" are cultivated in circle, Ex: suppose a family has 7 land places for "hre hngo", the first year cultivate the first place, the second year cultivate the second place, and so on until the seventh year cultivate the seventh place, and then turns back to cultivate the first place again, and so on. The "thin" is mostly constant, narrower, and located nearer the village than "hre", in the past, each family had at least 2 "thins"; "thin" is for cultivation of various kinds of plants and crops except rice. Plants and crops cultivated in "thin" are cotton, tobacco, taro, cassava, yam, pineapple, papaya, garlic, onion, coriander, banana, corn, pumpkin or squash, tomato, some kinds of herbs, and more. Traditionally, corn and pumpkin are cultivated together in the same "thin" separated from other; during the opium area, opium, coriander, Chinese mustard, and more were also cultivated together in the same "thin" separated from the corn-pumpkin "thin". The "suan" is narrower than "thin" and is located adjacent to the villages off the barns and domestic animal hutches; the plants that are cultivated in "suan" are sugar cane (Khmuic: "keulme", planted by using its stems), banana, garlic, onion, Chinese mustard, coriander, basil, ginger, tomato, and some kinds of fruit trees (eatable fruits) such as mango, jack fruit, guava, tamarind, orange, lemon trees, some kinds of herbs, and more which depends on the environment of the surrounding areas; "suan" must be fenced to protect some kinds of plants or crops in it from destruction of the domestic animals, so "suan" is alternative; in this case, the plants and crops of "suan" are planted in "thin" instead. There are 5 kinds of yams which Khmuic people have planted since the ancient time, they are "kwai.yim" /kwai.jĭm̥/, "kwai.peur.led" /kwai.pɨ̆r.led̥/, "kwai.blao" /kwai.blao/, "kwaiyuan" /kwai.juan̥/ (sweet potato), and "kwai.heul.wek" /kwai.hɨ̆l.wɛk̥/ (yam bean); "kwai.yim" is a kind of yam with long tuberous roots and air potatoes with dark purple color, "kwai.peur.led" is a kind of yam with short tuberous roots and air potatoes with white color, and "kwai.blao" is a kind of yam with round root and white color. Khmuic people also call the first three kinds of yams together "kwai Cheung" /kwai Chɨaŋ̊/ (kwai.yim, kwai.peur.led, and kwai.blao), because these three kinds of yams were urged to cultivate together with taro by "Ta Cheung Marrong" /Taʔ Cɨaŋ̊ Măr.roŋ̊/ (or just "Ta Cheung") as secondary crops to prevent early depleting of the stock rice because of rice production was low and insufficient for consumption due to natural disaster such as drought or pests destruction. Ta Cheung said that yams more endured the drought and pests than rice----"Ta" in here means "great man" or "hero", "Cheung" is a name, and "marrong" according to Khmuic believe it is a giant python ("mar.goun" /măr.gun̥/ in Khmuic) which is a kind of Khmuic totem just starting to transform its figure from a python after it has seven noses to become a dragon ("peur.yong" /pɨ̆r.jɔŋ̊/ in Khmuic), so there are three steps to transform from python to dragon, "mar.goun"-"mar.rong"-"peur.yong"----"mar" means "snake". Traditionally, Khmuic people have planted "kwai.heul.wek" and "kwai Cheung" together in the rice swidden fields; sometimes "kwai Cheuang" have also been planted together with "kwai.yuan" and "kwai.tud" /kwai.tud̥/ (cassava) in "thin". Besides agricultural practice, Khmuic people have also practiced hunting-gathering since the ancient time like many other ethnic minorities in other language families such as Hmong-Mien, Tibeto-Burman, Mon-Khmer, and Lao-Tai. Khmuic hunting includes fishing using fishing net, fishing hook, and some kinds of fish traps made of bamboo; traping wild animal using snares and many kinds of bamboo traps, shooting using cross bows and flintlock guns (during the middle to the late of the 20th century AD use modern guns); Khmuic gathering includes gathering natural resources such as wild fruits, wild vegetables, wild yams, bamboo shoots, and natural herbs. A kind of natural or wild yam that Khmuic people gather is called "kwai.peur.yong" in Khmuic, or "man.ngeuk" /măn̥.ŋɨak̥/ in Lao-Tai. "kwai.peur.yong" or "man.ngeuk" is a kind of yam with long tuberous root with white color. Khmuic people gather and consume wild yam occasionally; all other minorities in Laos such as Tebeto-Burman, Hmong-Mien, Mon-Khmer, and Lao-Tai also gather and consume wild yams.
The negative and prejudicial information of researchers and authors to Mlabri and Khmu edit
It is about 27 years from the time of Bernatzik expedition in 1936-1937 (published in German in 1938) until a new expedition of new researchers on Mlabri (leaded by Kraisri) in 1962-1963); and it is 46 years until the work of Rischel in 1982; so the time is long enough to make the language, lives, and cultures of Mlabri changed in some criteria. The new researchers and authors unreasonably and mistakenly criticized Bernatzik that he took down a short word list in imperfect notation, which has vexed linguists ever since. In fact, it was not Bernatzik who did imperfect notation, the new researchers and authors did by them-self. Because Mlabri people often communicated with Khmu, they were influenced by Khmuic language and borrowed Khmuic terms, this is why there are a few Mlabri terms resemble Khmuic ones. Now we know and get some ideas that, the Bernatzik's and the new researchers' and authors' data were both partially correct or partially incorrect, so it is unreasonable that the new researchers and authors have made the controversy over the Bernatzik's data authenticity; in reverse, their own data may have a lot more biased information than those of Bernatzik, and it is obvious that they are not in neutrality. New Lao, Thai, and few foreign researchers and authors want Mlabri to be Khmu and vise versa, they created fake notation in Mlabri and Khmuic terms, they modified some Mlabri terms to match Khmuic ones and vice versa. They criticized Bernatzik that he listed just a few words of Mlabri, this should not be a problem and controversy, because during that time there were still few words in Mlabri language that resemble Khmuic ones; so Bernatzik listed only a few words that resemble Khmuic and Tin-Prai. The new researchers said that the minority called them-self "Mrabri" or "Mlabri" not "Yumbri" as Bernatzik's recorded, this is an intention to commit biased and fake information; if during that time the minority exactly called them-self "Mrabri" or "Mlabri", then there must be any researcher or author attempted to create fake evidences by persuading and propagandizing the minority to call them-self that way; and also believe that these researchers attempted to introduce and use Khmuic terms with Mlabri until they were used to, then included those terms into a list of Mlabri terms or vocabulary, or recorded videos of Mlabri pronunciation of those terms to create fake evidences. In the present day, some Lao-Tai authors change the name Mrabri or Mlabri to "Mabri" or just "Ma", and then classify Mabri in Laos as "Mabri Laos", and Mabri in Thailand as "Mabri Gnuan" /maˑ.briˑ ɲuˑan̥/ although if call "Mabri Thai" is more sensible. They do this to make it match with Khmu Gnuan (also call Khmu Yuan), their purpose is to make people confuse and misunderstand that Mlabri is Khmu Gnuan or vice versa. The researchers in 1963 said that the interpreter spoke Khmuic to Mrabri because Mrabri spoke Khmuic; believing that the researchers persuaded Mrabri to speak Khmuic with them, and believing exactly that Mlabri spoke not only Khmuic, Northern Lao also. In fact, Mlabri had their own language which is different from Khmuic, they spoke their own language when they communicated with each other among them-self, only Mlabri adults could speak and understood a little Khmuic, and of cause they could not speak and could not understand all or even half of Khmuic words and sentences; even present day, Mlabri and Khmuic languages are still not intelligible. The researchers looked down Mlabri and praised Hmong so much, which they said that Mlabri exchanged tobaccos and salt from Hmong who might produce salt by them-self. In fact, Hmong did not produce salt by them-self, they also exchanged or bought salt from Lao-Tai and Khmu as Mlabri did, where as Lao-Tai and Khmu especially who lived in Northern Laos and Northern Thailand exchanged or bought salt from Vietnam, China, Myanmar, Thailand, and a little from Laos especially from Khmu who produced salt in Meuang La (La District) of Oudomsay province; the exchange process was made through Lao-Tai and Khmu in those areas. In fact, Mlabri mostly exchanged tobaccos from Khmu; almost Khmuic families have planted and smoked tobaccos traditionally since the ancient time. In the past, Lao-Tai people had ever praised that Khmuic tobaccos was very good quality, and when they exchanged or bought tobaccos from other ethnics or minorities they mostly did from Khmu; Khmu had just stated to reduce planting tobaccos step by step during the middle of the 20th century AD after cigarettes produced in factories were distributed all over the world and were also sole to Khmu; as for Hmong, they least planted and smoked tobaccos, they mostly planted and smoked opium. From this point of view, it is a very clear evidence that some Lao-Tai and few foreign researchers and authors attempted to create fake information and evidences on Mlabri and Khmu. It is so long to enplane here why Lao-Tai and few foreign researchers and authors do not stand in neutrality and create fake information, look down Mlabri and Khmu, want Mlabri to be Khmu and vice versa; a few telling and legends concerned will be introduced here in brief. There are a lot of antiques, ruins, and relics discovered in Laos such as, bronze drums in Southwest China and Southeast Asia, standing stones (also call stone pillars or stone poles) in Huameuang district of Huaphan province, stone jars in Xiengkhuang, Saysomboun, and Vientiane provinces, stone suns or sun stones in Samsoum and Phoukhaulib mountains in Luangprabang province, Watphou temple in Champasak province, and a lot morr. Some Lao-Tai people are prejudiced to Mon-Khmer people especially Khmu, they do not want Khmu to be the nation living in Laos before them, they do not want those antiques, ruins, and relics belongs to Khmu, even though it is still unclear what antiques, ruins, and relics belongs to what ethnics or minorities. Some Lao-Tai authors and writers modified the original legends and created new ones to make them biased away from Mon-Khmer especially Khmu, and closely related to them, then they said that they told according to the telling or oral legends of people in the local areas, and then propagandized via medias or via tourist guides; and it seems to be that they also persuade and propagandize foreign researchers and authors to follow them to make their information and data more creditable. The examples of a few modified and newly created legends will be introduced here briefly. The origin of oral legend of Lao-Tai on stone jars (the Khmuic origin of oral legend of stone jars is a little diffrent from those of Lao-Tai) said that, in the war between Khoun Cheuang /Kʰŭn̥ Cɨaŋ/ who was a Kha /kʰaʔ/ and Chao Angkha /Caó Ăŋ.kʰa/, the troupes of Khoun Cheuang defeated the troupes of Chao Angkha. In order to celebrate this big victory, Khoun Cheuang ordered his troupes and people to create the stone jars to contain wine or alcohol for drinking during the seven months of the celebration, so the stone jars were called "hai lau Cheung" /hăĭ laú Cɨaŋ/ which means "Cheung alcohol jars"---"hai lau" in lao-Tai or "kdong buch" /kdɔ̆ŋ̊ buc/ in Khmuic means "alcohol jar". The stone jars were also called "hai hin" /hăĭ.hin̥/ in Lao-Tai or "kdong glang" /kdɔ̆ŋ.glaŋ̊/ in Khmuic; the alcohol contained in the stone jars were called "lau hai" /laú hai/ in Lao-Tai or "buch kdong" /buc.kdɔ̆ŋ̊/ in Khmuic----"lau hai" is a Lao-Tai word translation of a Khmuic term "buch kdong" /buc.kdɔ̆ŋ̊/ which means "jar alcohol", "buch" and "lau" means "alcohol" or "wine", "kdong" and "hai" means "jar"; "buch kdong" or "lau hai" is a kind of wine or alcohol mostly made from rice fermented in clay jar, which is a traditional rice wine or rice alcohol of Khmu and many other ethnic minorities in Mon-Khmer language branch. Resently, some Lao-Tai authors and people have modified the legends and said that Khoun Cheuang fought with "Phagna Then" /phă.ɲaˑ. tʰɛn̥/. The original oral content of Khmuic version said that the stone jars were made of "glang kngom" /glaŋ̊ kɲɔm̥/ (soft stones or soap stones) with iron chisels; in Lao-Tai version did not described what the stone jars were made of and with; resently, they added a content and said that the stone jars were made of sand mixed with boiled skins of buffaloes and cows. They also created fake information that Khoun Cheuang occurred during the fifth century AD although in the original content of the oral legend did not stated the time and there were also no writing recorded of time; they did this to make it later than the real time of the creation of the stone jars which according to archaeological research the stone jars were created approximately 2000-3000 BP (Before Present). Another newly created legend of Lao-Tai said that the stone jars are alcohol cups of Thewada /Tʰe.wă.daˑ/ (gods), and another one said that the stone jars were created by a giant race. In Lao-Tai version of the original legend of the stone pillars or standing stones ("Hintang" in Lao-Tai) in Huameuang district of Huaphan province of Laos said that, in the ancient time the people of Kha kaye /kʰá ka.jə/ made the standing stone as memorials to their ancestors who first came and created the new villages in the area, so the one ends of stone pillars were buried in standing in the buried places of these Kha Kaye ancestors----In Lao-Tai, "hin" /hin̥/ means "stone", "tang" /táŋ̊/ means "stand". Recently, some Lao-Tai have recreated the legend and said that Sankongphan migrated his troupe to the area of the present day standing stones to established new villages and a town, and there they created standing stones; and they even named one of the sites of the standing stones "San Khong Phan" (if say and write as "San kong phan" is more correct); another one newly recreated legend is that, the standing stones were cut using a magic axe wielded by a giant called Ba Hat whose plans to build great city here were thwarted by the cunning of the Luangprabang king. In the original legend of Khmuic version called the standing stones "cheundrang glang" /cɨ̆n̥.drăŋ̊.glaŋ̊/ or "hlak glang" /hlăk̥.glaŋ̊/; and called the areas of the standing stones "heurman glang" /hɨ̆r.man̥.glaŋ̊/ ----"cheungdrang" or "hlak" means "pillar" or "pole", "glang" means "stone", "heurman" means "cemetery"; the legend said that "heurman glang" were "heurman Tmoi Kaye" /hɨ̆r.man̥ tmɔi ka.jəˑ/ which means "Tmoi Kaye cemetery" or "Khmu Kaye cemetery"; also said that in the ancient time, traditional cremation of Tmoi Kaye was that they exposed the bodies of the deceased and waited until the bodies of the deceased decomposed and then buried the remnant bones near the area they placed and exposed the deceased bodies. Do be in mind that the Khmuic word "heurman" /hɨ̆r.man̥/ which means "cemetery" was altered or modified by not neutral Lao-Tai authors as "menhirs" which is no meaning in both Lao-Tai and Khmuic. There were stones carved with the sun figure located in the Samsoum and Phoukhaulib mountains in Luangprabang province, this figure was also carved on bronze drums; a figure of a yam vine or creeper were also carved on some of those stones; Khmuic people called the stones carved with the sun figure "glang madbri" /glaŋ̊ măd̥.briʔ/ which means "sun stone", and called the sun figure carved on the stones "madbri glang" which means "stone sun"----"glang" means stone, "madbri" means "sun"; and called the yam vine carved on the stones "ch.me.kwai" /cməʔ kwai/ or "kad kwai" /kad̥ kwai/----In old Khmuic, the term "kad" have been used for live vine (still in its live stem situation), the term "ch.me" was used for cut off vine (vine that was cut off to use for any purpose especially for tying things); in the present day Khmuic, the term "ch-me" is used in both cases; "kwai" means "yam" or "tuberous root crop" with vine or creeper stem. Before, Lao-Tai people called the stones "tang hin Kha" /tàŋ̊.hin̥ kʰá/ or "tang hin Cheuang" which means "Kha stone stool/chair" or "Cheuang stone stool/ chair" respectively----"tang" means "stool" or "chair", "hin" means "stone"; Cheuang is the name of a subgroup of Khmu viz Keuamhmu Cheuang /Kɨ̆m̥.Mmuʔ Cɨaŋ/ or "Tmoi Cheaung" /Tmɔi Cɨaŋ̊/, "Cheung" was also a name of a person/s and was popular name in the ancient Khmuic society; there were also 4 ancient Khmuic leaders also used this name Ex: Ta Cheung Marrong /Taʔ Cɨaŋ̊ Măr.roŋ̊/ (or just "Ta Cheung"), khoun Cheung Weung Klang Mong /Kʰŭn̥ Cɨaŋ̊ Wɨaŋ̊ Klaŋ̊.Mŏŋ̊/ (or just "Khoun Cheung" or "Thao Cheung" /Tʰaoʔ Cɨaŋ̊/), Ta Cheung Klang /Taʔ Cɨˑaŋ̊ Klaˑŋ̊/ (or just "Ta Cheng")----don't confuse with the first aforesaid "Ta Cheung"), and Khoun Cheung Ma'mia /Kʰun̥ Cɨˑaŋ̊ Maʔ.ʔmiˑa/ (or just "Khoun Cheung"----don't confuse with the first aforesaid "Khoun Cheung"). Before, Lao-Tai people had never translated the meaning of the figure which resembles the sun as the sun or the star; and had never translated the meaning of the figure which resembles a vine or creeper, until a Lao historian, Maha Bounmy Thebsimeuang made his research on the aforesaid stones and wrote Lao history books. Maha Bounmy translated and recalled the sun figure as "dao" /dao/ (star) or "tawen" /ta.wĕn/ (sun), and recalled the stones "hindao" /hin̥.dao/ which means star stones----"tawen" was translated from a Khmuic term "madbri" /măd̥.briʔ/ according to Khmuic believe. In the original content of the oral Phagna Then legend did not say that Phagna Then told Lao-Tai people to use "dao" (star) or "tawen" (sun) as their symbol when they were sent down to live in the earth, Maha Bounmy modified the legend and wrote that Phagna Then told Lao-Tai people to use "dao" as their symbol; he also called the vine figure as "kheuakhau kad" /kʰɨa.kʰăŭ.kad̥/ according to the "kheuakhaukad" or "Pougne Gnagne" /pù.ɲə ɲà.ɲə/ legend which said that the Kheuakhau Kad had ever connected the earth and the sky or the heven----"kheuakhau" is a Lao-Tai term which means "vine", "kad" is Khmuic term which means "vine" or "creeper". He did this because he wanted to make the word "dao" closely related to the word "Lao" in order to claim that the word "Lao" derived from "dao" and that the aforesaid stones and bronze drums belongs to Lao-Tai. He even wrote rough allegation and criticized that other ethnics and minorities stole their bronze drum culture. In fact, not only Lao-Tai have told the legend of "Kheuakhau Kad" or "Pugne Gnagne", Khmu have also told the legend which call "Kad Heulwang" /kad̥.hɨ̆l̥.waŋ̊/ or "Pu.Ye Ya.Ye" /puʔ.jə jaʔ.jə/----"Kad heulwang" means "sky vine" or "sky creeper"----"heulwang" means "sky". In old Khmuic, "pu" was grand father (father of father), "ya" was grand mother (mother of father), "ta" was grand father (father of mother), and "yai" was grand mother (mother of mother ); In the present day Khmuic, "ta" is used to call for both father of father and father of mother, "ya" is used to call for both mother of father and mother of mother; besides that, "ta" also means "great man" or "hero", general old man, and the shorten form of "seunta" /sɨ̆n̥.taʔ/ which means "totem"; "ya" is also used for general old women. In old Lao-Tai, Northern Lao-Tai called "phothau" /pʰɔ̀.tʰaú/ for general old man and "o" /ɔ̀/ for grand father (both father of father and father of mother), called "methau" /mɛ̀.tʰaú/ for general woman and "nou" /nú/ for grand mother (both mother of father and mother of mother); old Central and Southern Lao-Tai, called "phothau" for general man and grand father (both father of father and father of Mother), and called "methau" for general woman and grand mother (both mother of father and mother of mother) ; in the present day Lao-Tai, the term "photou" /pʰɔ̀.tú/ is used to call for general man and grand father (both father of father and father of mother), and the term "metou" /mɛ̀.tú/ is used to call for general woman and grand mother (both mother of father and mother of mother). In fact, Khmu have used bronze drums in rituals since the ancient time, and the present day researchers have seen only Khmu and another one minority in Tebeto-Burman language family still use bronze drums in rituals, there is no evidence and nobody have ever seen Lao-Tai people have ever used bronze drums before. Linguists classify Mlabri language into Khmuic language family by reasons that Mlabri language has basic words resemble Khmuic ones, and that Mlabri language is low tone likes Khmuic. In fact, not only Mlabri language has basic words resemble Khmuic, Vietnamese and even Lao-Tai languages also have basic words resemble Khmuic; Vietnamese have even mor basic words resemble Khmuic than those of Mlabri (see bottom table: Khmuic and Vietnamese Word Comparison ), why the linguists didn't classify Vietnamese language into Khmuic language branch. It is not only Khmuic language has low tone, almost all languages of ethnic minorities grouped into Mon-Khmer language branch have low tone, except Vietnamese language which has a high tone, there are even some languages of ethnic minorities grouped into Austronesian language family also have low tone especially language of Jarai in Vietnam and Cambodia, why the linguists didn't classify the languages of these ethnics or minorities into Khmuic language branch. Mlabri have their own language and cultures which are different from Khmuic language and cultures, Mlabri language has very long tone or pronunciation but Khmuic language has short and normal tone or pronunciation. Mlabri is nomadic, little practice agriculture; they mostly practice hunting-guttering and consume wild animals, wild yams, wild vegetables, wild fruits, and bamboo shoots as their staple food, but Khmu have practiced agriculture since the ancient time, especially cultivation and consumption of sticky rice as staple food; and consume corns, taros, cassava, and domestic yams as secondary food. There are also some Mlabri basic terms resemble those of Tin-Prai and even Northern Lao-Tai. In fact, in the past there are only about five percent or less of Mlabri terms resemble Khmuic, so if Mlabri language is Khmuic, why it is different from Khmuic; and the most important point is that, it is impossible that Mlabri people separated from Khmu and then threw away all Khmuic words and recreated their own new language with many new words different from Khmuic. Some researchers even consider Khmu as Mlabri by claiming that Khmu pratice both agriculture and hunting-guttering; in fact, not only Khmu practice both agriculture and hunting-guttering, almost all ethnics and minorities in Southeast Asia also practice both agriculture and hunting-gathering; in the present day there are still a lot of Lao people still practice these two techniques especially people who live in the local or remote areas of Laos such as Hong-Mien, Tebeto-Burman, Mon-Khmer, and even Lao-Tai. Another important point to prove that Mlabri and Khmu are not the same race or ethnic is that; Khmuic people have never called Mlabri as "Keumhmu" or "Tmoi"; Mlabri people have never called them-self "Keumhmú", and they have also never called Khmu as "Tmoi", Mlabri call them-self "Yum" (in the past) or Mlabri (present day) and they called Khmu and other ethnic minorities "Kua". Mlabri is too backward, reversely, Khmuic people have rich cultures and traditions which were created by their own ancestors, and are much different from those of Mlabri; in the long past, Lao-Tai was also influenced by Khmuic language and cultures (only who are in neutrality can see); in the present day, Lao-Tai, Hmong-Mien, and Tibeto-Burman are also influenced by Khmuic cultures especially drinking rice wine fermented in clay jar, tying cotton string around hand wrists and a lot more; Hmong-Mien and Tibeto-Burman in Laos even turn to plant and consume sticky rice like Khmu and Lao-Tai; as for Hmong in the long past, they mostly cultivated and consumed corn as staple food, nor normal rice as secondary food; the example is, during the Indochina war, all Hmong people in Samthong-Longcheng controlled by General Wangpao did not cultivated rice, they all cultivated and consumed corn as staple food. Lao-Tai also has rich cultures and traditions but those were mostly influenced by Mon-Khmer, India, China, and in the present day, from Western. This point makes some Lao-Tai people envy, dislike, and hate Khmu. Because of this reason, some Lao-Tai researchers and authors try to do everything possible to reduce Khmuic status and role, want Khmu to be hunter-gutterer like Mlabri; recently, another Thai woman author has created fake information on Khmuic culture, she created a video in Thai language presenting Mlabri cultures as of Khmu and posted online; and recently, there are some Lao researchers and authors even grouped Kri into Mlabri unreasonably, and some grouped Kri into Khmu, although these three minorities are much different from each other. In the past, Kri people in Khammuan province has the same life style as Mlabri, in reverse, Mlabri and Kri are much different from Khmu. Kri people called them-self Kri, Arem, Meng, or Mengkri, they have never called them-self Keumhmu, and they have never called Khmu "Tmoi", "Kri", "Meng", or "Mengkri", in reverse, Khmuic people have never called Kri "Keumhmu" or "Tmoi". Kri people speak Vietmeuang language (recently called Vietic) which is a sub branch of Eastern Mon-Khmer language. Grouping Mlabri and Kri into Khmu is an unwise and unreasonable ideas of any biased researcher or author; their purpose is just to en-low Khmuic status and role, and cut khmu off which they think that Khmu is their important competitor in claiming to be a possessor of nice cultures of antiques, ruins, and relics discovered in Indo-China Peninsula especially in Laos; but Khmu people do not care what antiques belongs to what ethnics or minorities. According to the information in the first research on Mon-Khmer of Western researchers assumed that, Mon-Khmer people settled in Indo-China Peninsula at least 4000 years ago; some assumed 300 years before BC; recently, some Lao-Tai together with few foreign historians have rewrote the Khmuic history and assumed that Khmu has just settled and spread out from Oudomxay province during the 3th century AD; they did this to propagandize people that Khmu has just come to settle in Indo-China Peninsula and that homeland of Khmu was in Oudomxay, not in Huaphan and Xiengkhuang provinces; because in these two provinces there are a lot of antiques, ruins, and relics which they do not want these cultures belong to Khmu; the clearest thing is that, when Lao media present ethnic minorities in Huaphan and Xiankuang provinces to tourists, they always present only Lao-Tai and Hmong-Mien, and they omit Khmu. It is expected that, these researchers and authors will not stop their intriguing and creating fake evidences on Mlabri and Khmu; in the future they may even try to make artificial breeding Khmu with Mlabri, urge Khmu and Mlabri marry each other, give Mlabri babies to Khmu or give Khmuic babies to Mlabri to raise and grow, or use any other possible way; when it is enough time, they will pretend to make research and prove that Mlabri and Khmu are the same race or ethnic by presenting and comparing DNA or any other biological evidence. Recently, there has been a Mlabri village in Thailand is prohibited to visit by visitors, only a reserved forest near the village is allowed to visit; this is another one suspicious behavior and peruse that seems to be any purpose and activity for creating any fake evidence secretly in the village.