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Gender roles in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe edit

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Changes in gender roles in Central and Eastern Europe after the fall of Communism have been an object of historical and sociological study.[1]

Historical context edit

See also: Women in Russia § Soviet era: feminist reforms
 
A plenary meeting of the Soviet Women's Committee in 1968.

The Eastern European state socialist regimes proclaimed women's emancipation in the late 1940s. Legislation was passed that radically altered women's position in societies of Eastern Europe.[2][3] New laws guaranteed women's equality in society and marriage,[4] and women as well as men were required to become productive members of society by working for wages and engaging in political activism.[5] Women's participation in the workforce continued to increase through the period,[6] with some countries seeing 50% of the workforce being made up of women by the end of the communist period.[7] In most countries the right to abortion was codified into law by the end of the 1950s.[8]

Political leaders viewed women's presence in the workforce as providing an opportunity to instill communist ideology in new generations of women.[2]

Though such advancements were made, Soviet and Warsaw-pact governments generally framed feminism a "bourgeois ideology".[9]

Changes in post-communist states edit

The dissolution of the Soviet system was followed by a rapid increase in poverty,[10][11][12] crime,[13][14] corruption,[15][16] unemployment,[17] homelessness,[18][19] rates of disease,[20][21][22] infant mortality,[23] domestic violence[23] and income inequality,[24] along with decreases in calorie intake, life expectancy, adult literacy and income.[25] Many people in post-Soviet states felt that their lives were worse off after 1989, when capitalist markets were made dominant.[26][27][28]

Government edit

With the transition from socialism to neo-liberal market economies and democracies, many states saw a dramatic drop in the number of women represented in state parliaments.[29][30] Such an example can be seen in the parliament of Albania where the number of women representatives fell from 73 to 9 in the first post-collapse elections.[31] The transition also saw a reduction in women's participation in the new political systems.[32][33] These factors have made it difficult for women to advocate for women's rights in central and eastern Europe after the transition.[34]

Employment edit

 
Women working in a furniture factory in Rimske Toplice, People's Republic of Slovenia, 1955.

The transition from socialism to neo-liberal market economies saw an over-representation of women in unemployment that had not existed before in the central and eastern European countries.[35] Though there was variation in this change depending on the country.[36] In the former Soviet Union this transition led to significant changes in all spheres including the labor market.[37] Whilst there was a gender pay gap in places such as the Soviet Union, due to protective legislation that restricted women's employment in jobs that were considered dangerous or physically demanding which meant that due to the fact that in the centralised wage system, where market forces did not interfere, earnings within sectors were determined by the perception of a certain sector's productivity, laboriousness and social usefulness, women in Russia were highly concentrated in white-collar sectors such as education, healthcare, trade, food and light industry, their earnings were on average lower than those of men throughout the whole of the Soviet Union's history,[38] a similar concentration of women in the workforce and a similar trend were also seen in the German Democratic Republic.[34] After the collapse, due to laws such as the Law on the State Enterprise (adopted prior to transition in 1987), meant that goods-producing enterprises had to meet their wage payment obligations from their own revenue. While this change scarcely affected women, as women were still concentrated in the "nonproductive" sector, it did affect the pay gap between women and men. The nonproductive sector, encompassing such sectors as education and healthcare, was still financed from the state budget and was therefore at greater risk of budgetary cuts, which occurred in the transitory period.[38] Women continued to have lower wages than men after the collapse, with increases in the wage gap in most countries,[39] this occurred alongside an increase in the overall income inequality.[40] In this transitory period for many states there was economic disaster, and Gale Stokes comments on how "many of the customary practices of ordinary life, such as the value of time, gender relations, the nature of public discourse, and the job environment, changed."[41] Due to women being concentrated in the lower tier of the income distribution,[42] they were more vulnerable to such changes, and the rising social inequality[43] had an adverse effect on the gender pay differentials during the transition years.[44] Rita Hansberry,[45] Christopher Gerry, Byung-Yeon Kim and Carmen Li[46] provide evidence that the increase in dispersion of incomes brought about by liberalisation had a negative impact on the gender wage gap in Russia.

 
Women working in a milk production plant in Ukraine, 1976.

Beyond income equality, the transition increased the gender discrimination in workplaces.[47][48] Many women left professional and managerial positions that women had occupied previously due to the ongoing removal of state childcare services in central and eastern European countries.[49][50] Due to family considerations, it was predicted in 1993 that many women would leave the work force and consolidate in occasional, short-term, seasonal, undeclared, and other kinds of precarious work,[51] and this has been shown to have been the case in later research.[52]

Éva Fodor and Anikó Balogh, contrary to other researchers,[4] based on pre-collapse and post-collapse survey data, have said that opinions on women as homemakers and their contribution to the workforce, have changed little in central and eastern European states, and in contrast western European states have greatly liberalised their views on women within the home and workforce.[53]

The transition also saw a shift in most economies from heavy industry to light industry, this saw many men made redundant from jobs within heavy industry moving into light industry which had been a highly feminised sector of the economy during the communist period.[54]

Reproductive rights and sexual violence edit

 
Black Monday protest for reproductive rights in Wrocław, 3 October 2016 as part of the Ogólnopolski Strajk Kobiet.

Some rights, such as reproductive rights which had been achieved under the previous socialist regimes were subsequently challenged in countries after the fall of those regimes.[55] The restriction of access to abortion in the years immediately after the collapse saw mass protests from women in Czechoslovakia and Poland,[56] with the number of legal abortions conducted per year in Poland dropping by over 30,000 from 1991 to 1993.[57]

In Russia, pornography proliferated after the collapse,[58][59] whilst in the former Yugoslavia an epidemic of mass rape occurred.[60] Slavenka Drakulić described the liberalisation of the economy and society in Yugoslavia as:

We live surrounded by newly opened porno shops, porno magazines, peepshows, stripteases, unemployment and galloping poverty [...] Romanian women are prostituting themselves for a single dollar in towns on the Romanian-Yugoslav border. In the midst of all this, our anti-choice nationalist governments are threatening our right to abortion and telling us to multiply, to give birth to more Poles, Hungarians, Czechs, Croats, Slovaks.

— How We Survived Communism and Even Laughed (1993)[61]

With the negative economic situations many women found themselves in during the market liberalisation of the economies, human traffickers became prominent in trafficking women around central and eastern Europe, and to western Europe from central and eastern Europe for prostitution.[62]

Health edit

The transition lead to a reduction in the life expectancy of people across society in many countries, though to a lesser extent for women.[63]

The example of Bulgaria edit

 
Elderly Pomak women in Bulgaria.

Economic participation edit

Kristen Ghodsee comments how whilst many suggest that all women in Bulgaria were negatively affected by the collapse, some groups of women did relatively well after the collapse, specifically those in the tourism industry, who had higher levels of general education, work experience with Westerners and knew Western foreign-languages.[64] Vesna Nikolić-Ristanović points out how at the same time women made up two thirds of the unpaid workers present in Bulgaria during the transition.[52] Mariya Stoilova found that women's economic activity in post-socialist Bulgaria was most affected by the age of the women, with older women who were in employment during the socialist system having the lowest rate of economic activity in post-socialist Bulgaria, and while younger women still faced sexist discrimination in employment opportunities, they were more economically active than older age groups of women.[65]

Religious reaction edit

Following the collapse the Pomaks of Bulgaria saw a resurgence in orthodox forms of Islam and Christianity, as many believed their "traditions were corrupted by communism", with similar sentiments seen in other groups.[66] This encouraged a return to traditional gender roles for men and women. Ghodsee comments on how for some men this included more strictly policing their wives' bodies than they had previously under the communist regime, and how also many women "seemed eager" to adopt such traditional gender roles.[67] With the lack of autonomous feminist movements during the socialist period of Bulgaria, women's rights in the post-communist country has not had a great grassroots base, and is instead conducted mainly through professional NGOs.[68]

Violence against women edit

Psychotherapists reported that reports of domestic violence increased in Bulgaria during the transitionary period, attributing this increase to the serious economic problems many families and households faced.[69]

Controversies edit

There is controversy with regard to the view, which is often promoted in the western Europe, according to which the fall of communism had a disproportionate negative effect on women in those countries, and there is criticism of stereotypical views presented in the media about the status of women from this region both during and after the fall of the communism.[70] Such views are often accused of being rooted in the common idea that western cultures are better and must save "less developed" societies.[71][72] This is linked to objections in painting feminism in eastern Europe as "a matter of catching up with the West."[73]

With regard to central and eastern European countries, the fall of communism had severely affected the whole society[74] (including through violent wars such as Yugoslav Wars and post-Soviet conflicts), and in some cases, such as the fall of the heavy industry, men were worse affected.[75] With regard to social policies, these have varied greatly by country, both during and after the fall of communism, given that former communist countries are not a monolith and there were and are differences between them (half of European countries are former communist countries). For example, while in Poland abortion was restricted in the 1990s, in other countries the fall of communism actually led to the liberalisation of reproductive rights, such as in Albania,[76] especially during the later stages of the communist period, which saw aggressive natalist policies.[77][78]

Critics argue that the claims made by the former communist regimes regarding the official data about the situation of women under those communist governments should not be taken for granted,[citation needed] as while there were laws that supported gender equality in the Soviet Union, these were not well or always followed.[79]

See also edit

References edit

  1. ^ Schmitt & Trappe (2010), pp. 261–265; Pascall & Kwak (2009), p. 1; Olson et al. (2007), pp. 299; Molyneux (1995), p. 637
  2. ^ a b Varbanova & Jacobs 2006, p. 12.
  3. ^ Schmitt & Trappe 2010, pp. 261–265.
  4. ^ a b Pascall & Kwak 2009, p. 161.
  5. ^ Kostova 1993, p. 92.
  6. ^ Paukert 1993, p. 256–258.
  7. ^ Kostova 1993, p. 97.
  8. ^ Einhorn 1993, p. 51.
  9. ^ De Haan, Francisca; Daskalova, Krasimira; Loutfi, Anna (2006). A Biographical Dictionary of Women's Movements and Feminisms: Central, Eastern and South Eastern Europe, 19th and 20th Centuries. Central European University Press. p. 412. ISBN 978-963-7326-39-4. Archived from the original on 28 November 2022 – via Google Books.
  10. ^ McAaley, Alastair. Russia and the Baltics: Poverty and Poverty Research in a Changing World. Archived from the original on 16 February 2018. Retrieved 18 July 2016.
  11. ^ "An epidemic of street kids overwhelms Russian cities". The Globe and Mail. 16 April 2002. Archived from the original on 28 August 2016. Retrieved 17 July 2016.
  12. ^ Targ, Harry (2006). Challenging Late Capitalism, Neoliberal Globalization, & Militarism. ISBN 9781411677265.
  13. ^ Gerber, Theodore P.; Hout, Michael (1998). "More Shock than Therapy: Market Transition, Employment, and Income in Russia, 1991–1995". AJS. 104 (1): 1–50.
  14. ^ Volkov, Vladimir (26 April 2007). "The bitter legacy of Boris Yeltsin (1931-2007)". World Socialist Web Site. Archived from the original on 30 May 2020. Retrieved 23 April 2020.
  15. ^ "Cops for hire". The Economist. 18 March 2010. Archived from the original on 25 June 2018. Retrieved 4 December 2015.
  16. ^ "Corruption Perceptions Index 2014". Transparency International. 30 December 2014. Archived from the original on 19 May 2023. Retrieved 18 July 2016.
  17. ^ Hardt, John (2003). Russia's Uncertain Economic Future: With a Comprehensive Subject Index. M. E. Sharpe. p. 481. ISBN 9780765612083.
  18. ^ Alexander, Catharine; Buchil, Victor; Humphrey, Caroline (2007). Urban Life in Post-Soviet Asia. CRC Press. ISBN 9781844721153.
  19. ^ Smorodinskaya. Encyclopaedia of Contemporary Russian. Routledge.
  20. ^ Galazkaa, Artur (2000). "Implications of the Diphtheria Epidemic in the Former Soviet Union for Immunization Programs". Journal of Infectious Diseases. 181: 244–248. doi:10.1086/315570. PMID 10657222.
  21. ^ Shubnikov, Eugene. "Non-communicable Diseases and Former Soviet Union countries". Archived from the original on 20 March 2022. Retrieved 18 July 2016.
  22. ^ Wharton, Melinda; Vitek, Charles (1998). "Diphtheria in the Former Soviet Union: Reemergence of a Pandemic Disease". Emerging Infectious Diseases. 4 (4): 539–550. doi:10.3201/eid0404.980404. PMC 2640235. PMID 9866730. Archived from the original on 18 November 2016. Retrieved 18 July 2016 – via Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
  23. ^ a b Parenti 1997, pp. 107, 115.
  24. ^ Hoepller, C. (2011). "Russian Demographics: The Role of the Collapse of the Soviet Union". Undergraduate Research Journal for the Human Sciences. 10 (1). Archived from the original on 4 November 2022.
  25. ^ Poland, Marshall. "Russian Economy in the Aftermath of the Collapse of the Soviet Union". Archived from the original on 8 July 2016. Retrieved 18 July 2016.
  26. ^ "End of Communism Cheered but Now with More Reservations". Pew Research Center's Global Attitudes Project. 2 November 2009. Archived from the original on 19 May 2018. Retrieved 14 May 2018.
  27. ^ "Confidence in Democracy and Capitalism Wanes in Former Soviet Union". Pew Research Center's Global Attitudes Project. 5 December 2011. Archived from the original on 20 May 2018. Retrieved 14 May 2018.
  28. ^ Ghodsee, Kristen R.; Sehon, Scott (22 March 2018). "Anti-anti-communism". Aeon. Archived from the original on 25 September 2018. Retrieved 26 September 2018.
  29. ^ Nikolić-Ristanović 2004, pp. 2–4.
  30. ^ Pascall & Kwak 2009, p. 100.
  31. ^ Joseph, Suad; Naǧmābādī, Afsāna (2003). Encyclopedia of Women and Islamic Cultures: Family, Law and Politics. BRILL. p. 553. ISBN 978-90-04-12818-7. Archived from the original on 21 May 2016 – via Google Books. In Albania, there were 73 women out of the 250 deputies in the last communist parliament while in the first post-communist parliament the number of women fell to 9.
  32. ^ Varbanova & Jacobs (2006), p. 18; Roseneil, Halsaa & Sümer (2012), p. 14–15; Rueschemeyer (1998), p. 280
  33. ^ Brown, Amy Benson; Poremski, Karen M. (2005). Roads to Reconciliation: Conflict and Dialogue in the Twenty-first Century: Conflict and Dialogue in the Twenty-first Century. Routledge. p. 280. doi:10.4324/9781315701073. ISBN 9781315701073. Archived from the original on 9 May 2016 – via Google Books.
  34. ^ a b Moghadam 1993, p. 7.
  35. ^ Nikolić-Ristanović (2004), pp. 2–4; Varbanova & Jacobs (2006), pp. 9, 32–35; Moghadam (1993), p. v; Molyneux (1995), p. 637
  36. ^ Nikolić-Ristanović 2002, pp. 17–18.
  37. ^ Newell & Reilly (2001); Katz (2001); Hansberry (2004); Kazakova (2005)
  38. ^ a b Oglobin, C.G. (July 1999). "The Gender Earnings Differential in the Russian Transition Economy". Industrial and Labor Relations Review. 52 (4): 602–627. doi:10.1177/001979399905200406. JSTOR 2525066. S2CID 154728371.
  39. ^ Varbanova & Jacobs 2006, pp. 50.
  40. ^ Hansberry (2004); Jurajda (2005), pp. 598–607; Gerry, Kim & Li (2004), pp. 267–288; Varbanova & Jacobs (2006), pp. 52
  41. ^ Stokes, Gale (2011). The walls came tumbling down: collapse and rebirth in Eastern Europe. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-1997-3263-0. Archived from the original on 25 October 2021.
  42. ^ Varbanova & Jacobs 2006, pp. 9, 48.
  43. ^ Olson et al. 2007, pp. 300.
  44. ^ Jurajda 2005, pp. 598–607.
  45. ^ Hansberry 2004.
  46. ^ Gerry, Kim & Li 2004, pp. 267–288.
  47. ^ Mertus, Julie [in Albanian] (1998). "Human Rights of Women in Central and Eastern Europe". Journal of Gender and the Law. 6: 369–484. Archived from the original on 4 March 2023. Retrieved 15 July 2019.
  48. ^ Varbanova & Jacobs 2006, p. 18.
  49. ^ Metcalfe, Beverly Dawn; Afanassieva, Marianne (2005). "Gender, work, and equal opportunities in central and eastern Europe". Women in Management Review. 20 (6): 397–411. doi:10.1108/09649420510616791. ISSN 0964-9425.
  50. ^ Moghadam 1993, p. 11.
  51. ^ Paukert 1993, p. 259.
  52. ^ a b Nikolić-Ristanović 2002, p. 18.
  53. ^ Fodor, Éva; Balogh, Anikó (2010). "Back to the kitchen: Gender role attitudes in 13 East European countries". Zeitschrift für Familienforschung. 22: 290–307.
  54. ^ Kostova 1993, p. 102.
  55. ^ Nikolić-Ristanović (2004), pp. 2–4; Schnepf (2005); Ferge (1997), pp. 159–178; Nikolić-Ristanović (2002), p. 55; Moghadam (1993), p. 4
  56. ^ Wolchik 1993, p. 43.
  57. ^ David, Posadskaya-Vanderbeck & Skilogianis 1999, pp. 175–176.
  58. ^ Goscilo, Helena (1995). "New Members and Organs: The Politics of Porn". In Berry, Ellen (ed.). Post-Communism and the Body Politic. Genders. Vol. 22. New York University Press. pp. 164–194. ISBN 978-0-8147-1248-1. JSTOR j.ctt9qfv6g.10.
  59. ^ David, Posadskaya-Vanderbeck & Skilogianis 1999, p. 88.
  60. ^ Berry, Ellen, ed. (1995). Post-Communism and the Body Politic. Genders. Vol. 22. New York University Press. p. 321. ISBN 978-0-8147-1248-1. JSTOR j.ctt9qfv6g.
  61. ^ Drakulić 1993.
  62. ^ Nikolić-Ristanović 2002, pp. 125–133.
  63. ^ Varbanova & Jacobs 2006, p. 15.
  64. ^ Ghodsee, Kristen (2005). The Red Riviera: Gender, Tourism and Postsocialism on the Black Sea. Durham: Duke University Press. ISBN 978-0-8223-3662-4.
  65. ^ Stoilova, Mariya (2010). "Post-Socialist Gender Transformations and Women's Experiences of Employment– Movements between Continuity and Change in Bulgaria". Journal of Organizational Change Management. 23 (6): 731–754. doi:10.1108/09534811011084384.
  66. ^ Olson et al. 2007, pp. 299.
  67. ^ Ghodsee, Kristen (2010). "Gender, Ethnicity, and the Transformation of Islam in Postsocialist Bulgaria". Muslim lives in Eastern Europe: gender, ethnicity, and the transformation of Islam in postsocialist Bulgaria. New Jersey: Princeton University Press. p. 189–190. ISBN 978-0-691-13954-8. JSTOR j.ctt7sk20.
  68. ^ Roseneil et al. 2012, p. 46–47.
  69. ^ Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights (April 1996). Domestic Violence in Bulgaria (PDF) (Report). p. 15. ISBN 0-929293-33-9. Archived from the original (PDF) on 15 July 2017 – via The Advocates for Human Rights.
  70. ^ Ghodsee, Kristen; Zaharijevic, Adriana (31 July 2015). "Fantasies of feminist history in eastern Europe". Eurozine. Archived from the original on 4 July 2022.
  71. ^ Krastev, Ivan; Holmes, Stephen (24 October 2019). "How liberalism became 'the god that failed' in eastern Europe". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 8 December 2019.
  72. ^ Valášek, Tomáš [in Slovak] (8 November 2019). "Why Can't the EU's West and East Work as One?". Carnegie Europe. Archived from the original on 26 November 2022.
  73. ^ Grabowska, Magda (28 January 2020). "Stop Writing Communist Women Out of History". The Jacobin. Archived from the original on 18 May 2022.
  74. ^ Moghadam 1993, p. 9.
  75. ^ Moghadam 1993, p. 11–16.
  76. ^ "Albania – ABORTION POLICY – United Nations". United Nations. Archived from the original on 8 November 2017. Retrieved 1 April 2018.
  77. ^ Wolchik 1993, p. 34.
  78. ^ Einhorn 1993, p. 54, 63–64.
  79. ^ Olson et al. 2007, pp. 306.

Bibliography edit

Further reading edit


Tankie edit

OG edit

Support for the Soviet invasions of Hungary and Czechoslovakia edit

The term originated as a phrase for British hardline members of the Communist Party. Journalist Peter Paterson asked Engineering Union official Reg Birch about his election to the CPGB Executive after the Hungarian invasion:

"When I asked him how he could possibly have sided with the 'tankies', so called because of the use of Russian tanks to quell the revolt, he said 'they wanted a trade unionist who could stomach Hungary, and I fitted the bill'."[1][2]

The support of the invasions was disastrous for the party's credibility.[3]

By extension, anyone who agreed with these Soviet repressions could be called a "tankie". Carole Pateman, realising the shortcomings of the ideological orthodoxies of Cuba in the 1960s, including support for the invasion of Czechoslovakia asked:

"How could Castro be a 'tankie'?"[4]

"Neo-tankies" edit

Satirist Martin Rowson observes that the hardline, black and white, authoritarian outlook of the far left has often been preserved by some of its former members, even when other aspects of their leftism have been shorn by experience or ideological shifts:

"John Lloyd is one of those pro-war lefties or ex lefties, whom I prefer to call neo-tankies, who've dragged their Manichean mindset from the Cold War and insist on seeing the final battle between good and evil just round the next corner." [5]

He says:

"I came up with this word to describe Lloyd, Hitchens, Aaronovitch and the rest of them … It honours the pro-war ex-left's origins by acknowledging the neo-conservatives, that bunch of ex-Trots who believe in the violent export of democracy throughout the world on the back of the US-military industrial complex, and the tankies, the old diehards of the British Communist party who supported Stalin or Moscow's line at every turn, above and beyond accepting unquestioningly Soviet tanks trundling through Budapest or into Czecholoslovakia"[5]

References edit

  1. ^ How Much More of This, Old Boy-- ?: Scenes from a Reporter's Life, Peter Paterson p181
  2. ^ Reg Birch's hardline attitudes later led him to split away from the CPGB to form a pro-Albanian Maoist party.
  3. ^ Cite error: The named reference drive was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  4. ^ Illusion of Consent: Engaging With Carloe Pateman, Daniel I. O'Neill p175
  5. ^ a b The Dog Allusion: Pets, Gods and How to be Human By Martin Rowson Random House, 30 Sep 2010, p97

current edit

 
Soviet Army T-54 tanks deployed in response to the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, from which the term "tankie" originated.
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Tankie is a pejorative label for leftists, particularly Stalinists, who support the authoritarian tendencies of Marxism–Leninism or, more generally, authoritarian states associated with Marxism–Leninism in history. The term was originally used by dissident Marxist–Leninists to describe members of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) who followed the party line of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). Specifically, it was used to distinguish party members who spoke out in defense of the Soviet use of tanks to crush the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 and the 1968 Prague Spring uprising, or who more broadly adhered to pro-Soviet positions.[1][2]

By extension, the term is used more widely to describe people who endorse, defend, or deny the mistakes and crimes committed by Communist state leaders, such as Joseph Stalin, Mao Zedong, Pol Pot, and Kim il-Sung. Anti-Stalinist members of the left use the word to describe those who are perceived to have a bias in favor of authoritarian socialist states, such as the People's Republic of China, the Syrian Arab Republic, and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.[3][4]

Definition edit

 
In 1968, Warsaw Pact tanks invaded Czechoslovakia as a reaction to Prague Spring.

After the Prague Spring, the term was used to describe Communist party members of Western countries who had supported the invasion of Czechoslovakia by Warsaw Pact states, of which Czechoslovakia was a member.[5][6] According to Christina Petterson, "Politically speaking, tankies regard past and current socialist systems as legitimate attempts at creating communism, and thus have not distanced themselves from Stalin, China, etc."[7] It was also used in the 1980s to describe the uncritical support the Morning Star gave to the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan.[8] By 2017, tankie had re-emerged as internet slang for Stalinists and other authoritarian communists, used by other Marxists,[9] and it became particularly popular among young democratic socialists.[10] Modern tankies generally do not get along with non-Marxist–Leninist segments of the left and many of those who oppose tankies also consider themselves leftists.[11]

Especially in context of the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, the term has also been used, such as by Sarah Jones of New York, for "elements within the self-identified [American] left that have soft-pedaled Russia's aggressive foreign policy and history of human rights abuses",[12] with The Intercept journalist Roane Carey identifying the "key element in the tankie mindset [as] the simple-minded assumption that only the U.S. can be imperialist, and thus any country that opposes the U.S. must be supported."[13]

Usage edit

Tankie has its origins in British political rhetoric. It has since become a popular pejorative in English-language social media.[11] In 2017, left-wing writer Carl Beijer argued that there are two distinct uses of the term tankie. The original, which was "exemplified in the sending of tanks into Hungary to crush resistance to Soviet communism". More generally, a tankie is someone who tends to support "militant opposition to capitalism", and a more modern online variation, which means "something like 'a self-proclaimed communist who indulges in conspiracy theories and whose rhetoric is largely performative.'" He was critical of both uses.[14]

An instance of the modern usage is the description of those "who instinctively defend China based on the idea that it is an example of actually existing socialism resisting Western imperialism", in discussions around the Uyghur genocide, where in this defence they will neoconservative analysis to justify the "anti-terrorism" operations of the Chinese government.[15] The term tankie has also been used in contemporary times to describe the defenders of dictators like Bashar al-Assad or those who propagate pro-Russian narratives in the context of the Russo-Ukrainian War.[3]

In the United Kingdom edit

Tankie originated in the UK as a term for hardline members of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB).[16] The Stalinist wing of the CPGB was also sometimes called "tankie" and was associated with the views of the strong CPGB presence in British trade unions.[17][18] Journalist Peter Paterson asked the Amalgamated Engineering Union official Reg Birch about his election to the CPGB Executive after the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956. Paterson recalled:

When I asked him how he could possibly have sided with the tankies, so called because of the use of Russian tanks to quell the revolt, he said "they wanted a trade unionist who could stomach Hungary, and I fitted the bill."[19][a]

The support of the invasion of Hungary was disastrous for the party's reputation in Britain.[1][20][21] The CPGB made mild criticisms of the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, which they justified as a necessary intervention,[22] although a hardline faction supported it, including the Appeal Group who left the party in response.[citation needed]

The term continued to be used into the 1980s, especially in relation to the split between the reform-minded eurocommunist wing of the CPGB and the traditionalist, pro-Soviet group, the latter continuing to be labelled tankies. In the 2006 play Rock 'n' Roll by the Anglo-Czech author Tom Stoppard, the character Max, based on Eric Hobsbawm,[23] discusses with Stephen what to read to hear what is happening in the Communist party, after the fall of the Berlin Wall and collapse of communist regimes in Eastern Europe. Their options are Marxism Today and the daily newspaper, the Morning Star.

MAX: Marxism Today? It's not so much the Eurocommunism. In the end it was the mail order gifts thing. I couldn't take the socks with little hammers and sickles on them.

STEPHEN: Well, Read the Morning Star and keep up with the Tankies.

MAX: The Tankies ... How the years roll by. Dubcek is back. Russia agrees to withdraw its garrisons. Czechoslovakia takes her knickers off for capitalism. And all that remains of August '68 is a derisive nickname for the only real communists left in the Communist Party.[24]

The term is sometimes used within the Labour Party as slang for a politically old-fashioned leftist. Alastair Campbell reported a conversation about modernising education, in which Tony Blair said: "I'm with George Walden on selection." Campbell recalled: "DM [David Miliband] looked aghast ... [Blair] said when it came to education, DM and I were just a couple of old tankies."[25] In 2015, Boris Johnson referred to Jeremy Corbyn and the left wing of the Labour Party as "tankies and trots", the latter referring to Trotskyism.[26]

Elsewhere edit

The term tankie has been used in English-language social media to describe communists, particularly those from the Western world, who uphold the legacies of communist leaders, such as Vladimir Lenin, Joseph Stalin and Mao Zedong. While generally used pejoratively, some Marxist–Leninists have re-appropriated it and used the term as a badge of honor.[11]

The Taiwanese left-wing magazine New Bloom alleges that many modern tankies are members of the Asian diasporas of English-speaking countries. In particular, members of the Chinese diaspora searching for radical responses to social ills such as xenophobia against Asians are drawn to tankie discourse. This modern conception of tankie has also been described as "diasporic Chinese nationalism".[27]

In 2022, New York magazine observed that in the US "[s]o-called tankies don't make up the majority of Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) membership or wield much power within the broader left, but they do exist", and that "[l]eftists from other countries have been contending with the American tankie for years", quoting activists from Hong Kong and Poland, two countries that have existed under authoritarian communist regimes.[12][28]

See also edit

Explanatory notes edit

  1. ^ Reg Birch's hardline attitudes later led him to split away from the CPGB to form a pro-Albanian Maoist party.

References edit

  1. ^ a b Driver, Stephen (16 May 2011). Understanding British Party Politics. Polity Press. p. 154. ISBN 978-0745640785.
  2. ^ New Statesman 2016.
  3. ^ a b Dutkiewicz, Stecuła; Jan, Dominik (4 July 2022). "Why America's Far Right and Far Left Have Aligned Against Helping Ukraine". Foreign Policy. Archived from the original on 26 January 2023.
  4. ^ Douthat, Ross (18 October 2021). "James Bond Has No Time for China". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 15 December 2021. Retrieved 22 October 2021.
  5. ^ Paterson, Tony (6 February 2014). "Hard-line Czech communist Vasil Bilak dies: Last surviving tankie who supported 1968 invasion of his own country by Soviet Union passes away at 96". The Independent. Archived from the original on 26 May 2022. Retrieved 11 August 2020.
  6. ^ "Vasil Bilak, 96, Dies; Czech Communist Encouraged 1968 Soviet Invasion". The New York Times. 6 February 2014. Archived from the original on 23 February 2014. Retrieved 6 October 2021.
  7. ^ Petterson, Christina (2020). Apostles of Revolution? Marxism and Biblical Studies. Brill. p. 11. ISBN 978-9004432208.
  8. ^ New Statesman (2016): "The first time "Tankie" was written down was in the Guardian in May 1985, in an article describing the Morning Star crowd: "The minority who are grouped around the Morning Star (and are variously referred to as traditionalists, hardliners, fundamentalists, Stalinists, or 'tankies'—this last a reference to the uncritical support that some of them gave to the Soviet 'intervention' in Afghanistan).""
  9. ^ Rickett, Oscar (23 October 2017). "From latte socialist to gauche caviar – how to spot good-time leftwingers around the world". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Archived from the original on 2 July 2018. Retrieved 23 August 2020.
  10. ^ Pearl, Mike (11 November 2018). "How a Real Class War, Like with Guns, Could Actually Happen". Vice. Archived from the original on 8 November 2020. Retrieved 11 August 2020.
  11. ^ a b c Andersen, Sebastian Skov; Chan, Thomas. "Tankie Man: The Pro-Democracy Hong Kongers Standing Up to Western Communists". The Diplomat. Archived from the original on 31 March 2021. Retrieved 8 November 2021.
  12. ^ a b Jones, Sarah (3 March 2022). "Russia's Invasion Tests the American Left". Intelligencer. New York. Archived from the original on 3 March 2022. Retrieved 23 September 2022.
  13. ^ Carey, Roane (1 March 2022). "Don't Be a Tankie: How the Left Should Respond to Russia's Invasion of Ukraine". The Intercept. Archived from the original on 1 April 2022. Retrieved 23 September 2022.
  14. ^ Peyser, Eve (22 August 2017). "Corncob? Donut? Binch? A Guide to Weird Leftist Internet Slang". Vice. Archived from the original on 25 March 2021. Retrieved 11 August 2020.
  15. ^ Robertson, Matthew P.; Roberts, Sean R. (May 2021). "The war on the Uyghurs: A conversation with Sean R. Roberts". Made in China Journal. 6 (2): 262–271. doi:10.22459/MIC.06.02.2021.33. Archived from the original on 4 March 2023.
  16. ^ Glastonbury, Marion (1998). "Children of the Revolution: matters arising". Changing English. 5 (1): 7–16. doi:10.1080/1358684980050102.
  17. ^ Hassan, Gerry (2004). The Scottish Labour Party: History, Institutions and Ideas. Edinburgh University Press. pp. 220–222.
  18. ^ Undy, Roger (2008). Trade Union Merger Strategies: Purpose, Process, and Performance. Oxford University Press. p. 178.
  19. ^ Paterson, Peter (February 2011). How Much More of This, Old Boy...?: Scenes from a Reporter's Life. London: Muswell. p. 181. ISBN 9780956557537. OCLC 751543677.
  20. ^ Pimlott, Herbert (2005). "From 'Old Left' to 'New Labour'? Eric Hobsbawm and the Rhetoric of 'Realistic Marxism'". Labour/Le Travail. 56: 185.
  21. ^ Davies, A. J. (1996). To Build A New Jerusalem. London: Abacus.
  22. ^ Andrews, Geoff (2004). Endgames and New Times: The Final Years of British Communism 1964–1991. Lawrence & Wishart Ltd. pp. 93–94. ISBN 978-0853159919. [John Gollan] said 'we completely understand the concern of the Soviet Union about the security of the socialist camp ... we speak as true friends of the Soviet Union'.
  23. ^ Jernigan, Daniel K. (2012). Tom Stoppard: Bucking the Postmodern. McFarland and Co. p. 187. ISBN 978-0786465323.
  24. ^ Stoppard, Tom (2006). Rock 'n' roll. Faber and Faber. p. 79.
  25. ^ Campbell, Alastair (2010). Diaries. Volume 1, Prelude to power. London: Hutchinson. p. 301. ISBN 9780091797263.
  26. ^ Watt, Nicholas (5 October 2015). "Boris Johnson: Jeremy Corbyn and Labour left are 'tankies and trots'". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 30 January 2016. Retrieved 11 August 2020.
  27. ^ Hioe, Brian (22 June 2020). "The Qiao Collective and Left Diasporic Chinese Nationalism". New Bloom Magazine. Archived from the original on 1 July 2020. Retrieved 11 August 2020.
  28. ^ "Communist Poland". Encyclopedia Britannica].

General and cited references edit

International of Anarchist Federations edit

International of Anarchist Federations
AbbreviationIAF/IFA
Formation1968
PurposeAgitation, propaganda and international cooperation
Region served
Worldwide
Official language
Spanish, English, Portuguese, German, Greek, French, Belarusian, Bulgarian, Italian, Czech, Slovak, Esperanto
Websitei-f-a.org
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    The International of Anarchist Federations (French: Internationale des Fédérations Anarchistes; abbreviated IAF/IFA) was founded during an international anarchist conference in Carrara, Italy, in 1968 by the three existing European federations of France, Italy and Spain as well as the Bulgarian federation in French exile. Other groups were also present in the formation of the IAF, such as the now defunct London Federation of Anarchists who took part in the preparation for the conference in 1968.[1] According to Time magazine, before the first IAF conference in Carrara could begin, firemen were called to check the venue for bombs.[2] The Carrara congress was a response to a congress held in London from June to August 1958 which "recreated a certain dynamism and wish towards the organisational aspiration of international anarchism".[3]

    The IAF has since aimed to build and improve strong and active international anarchist structures. The federations associated with IAF believe that such an organisation is necessary to co-ordinate their international work and efficiently co-operate towards their mutual aims.

    In order to further improve the quality of exchange and co-operation, IAF also keeps close contact with other anarchist organisations, such as the International Workers' Association (IWA), an international association of anarcho-syndicalist organisations and unions. The IAF contains many anarchist-communist federations and individuals.

    Principles edit

    The principles of work within IFA are that of federalism, free arrangement and Mutual Aid, and as states in their preamble of their principles, the IAF fights for:

    1. the abolition of all forms of authority whether economic, political, social, religious, cultural or sexual.
    2. the construction of a free society, without classes or States or frontiers, founded on anarchist federalism and mutual aid.[4]

    The IAF is committed to direct action, struggle from below, anti-parliamentarism, and opposition to reformism, on both a theoretical and a practical level.

    To improve co-ordination and communication within IAF, as well as to provide an open contact address for the public and other anarchist groups and organisations, an International Secretariat (the Commission of Relations of the International of Anarchist Federations—referred to commonly as C.R.I.F.A.) was set up. The CRIFA irregularly rotates among the IAF federations. It is currently based with the Fédération Anarchiste in France. Often, the different member federations will work with one another on certain agreed issues and campaigns, in order to be able to mount a joint worldwide effort to raise awareness and assist the struggle around certain issues.

    The different member federations also produce their own publications, such as Le Monde libertaire in France and Belgium, and El Libertario in Argentina. However, there was also an IAF magazine, Anarkiista Debato[5] which, due, however, to a lack of funds, was unable to continue.

    A number of reports have been written for the IAF, particularly on issues such as the struggle between the village of Rossport, the Corrib gas field and Shell in 2007.[6] Members of the IAF often congregate at meetings of world leaders, such as Gleneagles in 2005.[7]

    Member federations edit

    Country Name Acronym Ref
      Argentina Argentine Libertarian Federation (Federación Libertaria Argentina) FLA [8]
      Belarus Belarus Anarchist Black Cross (Анархический черный крест Беларусь) АЧКБ / BABC [9]
      Brazil Iniciativa Federalista Anarquista no Brasil IFAb [10]
      Bulgaria Federation of Anarchists in Bulgaria (Федерация на анархистите в България) ФАБ / FAB [11]
      Croatia
      Slovenia     		Federation for Anarchist Organisation (Federacija za anarhistično organiziranje) FAO [12]
      Czech Republic
      Slovakia     		Anarchist Federation (Anarchistická federace/Anarchistická Federácia) AF [13]
      France
      Belgium
       French-speaking Switzerland     		Anarchist Federation (Fédération Anarchiste) FA / FAF [14]
      Germany
       German-speaking Switzerland     		Federation of German speaking Anarchists (Föderation deutschsprachiger Anarchist*innen) FdA [15]
      Great Britain Anarchist Federation AF / AFed [16]
      Greece Anarchist Political Organisation (Αναρχική Πολιτική Οργάνωση) APO / ΑΠΟ [17]
      Italy Italian Anarchist Federation (Federazione Anarchica Italiana) FAI [18]
      Mexico Federation of Anarchists in Mexico (Federación Anarquista de México) FAM [19]
      Spain
      Portugal a     		Iberian Anarchist Federation (Federación Anarquista Ibérica) FAI [20]
    a.^ Although the FAI is technically an Iberian organisation (in that it encompasses all the regions in the Iberian Peninsula), it does not have members in Portugal or Andorra.

    This is the current list of member federations as confirmed during the 11th Congress of the International of Anarchist Federations.[21]

    Congresses of the IFA edit

    All members of regional federations meet every three years for a congress that decides on direction and lines of action. One year before the Assembly, the IFA Secretariat and those responsible for international relations in the various federations will determine the agenda, date and location of the Congress. The Congress debates the initiatives of the IFA, passes resolutions and mandates a federation to run the Secretariat of the IFA.

    • Creation of the Anarchist International Congress, London, 25 July - 1 August 1958.[3]
    • 1st Congress of the IFA, Carrara, 31 August 5 September 1968 [1][22][23]
    • 2nd Congress of the IFA, Paris, 1–4 August 1971.[23]
    • 3rd Congress of the IFA, Carrara, 23–27 March 1978.[23]
    • 4th Congress of the IFA, Paris, 31 October - 3 November 1986.[23]
    • 5th Congress of the IFA, Valencia, 1–4 November 1990.[23]
    • 6th Congress of the IFA, Lyon, 31 October - 1/2 November 1997.[23]
    • 7th Congress of the IFA, Besançon, 9–12 April 2004.[23]
    • 8th Congress of the IFA, Carrara, 4–6 July 2008.[23]
    • 9th Congress of the IFA, Saint-Imier, 9–12 August 2013.[24]
    • 10th Congress of the IFA, Frankfurt, 4-7 August 2016.[25]
    • 11th Congress of the IFA, Ljubljana, 24-28 July 2019.[21]

    Other anarchist internationals and international networks edit

    References edit

    1. ^ a b London Federation of Anarchists involvement in Carrara conference, 1968 International Institute of Social History, Accessed 19 Jan 2010
    2. ^ "Anarchism: Revolutionaries in Suspenders" Time Magazine, 13 Sep 1968, Accessed 19 Jan 2010
    3. ^ a b Short history of the IAF-IFA A-infos news project, Accessed 19 January 2010
    4. ^ Report from the then IAF secretariat Archived 2012-03-16 at the Wayback Machine A-infos news project, Accessed 19 Jan 2010
    5. ^ "IAF Magazine (Anarkiista Debato)" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2012-08-05. Retrieved 2013-12-17.
    6. ^ "The struggle against Shell in the west of Ireland" Archived 2012-02-25 at the Wayback Machine, Infoshop News, 18 September 2007. Accessed 12 October 2009.
    7. ^ "Anarchists put chaos on agenda for summit", Edinburgh Evening News, The Scotsman, 10 Mar 2005. Accessed 12 Oct 2009.
    8. ^ "Libertarian Socialism in Latin America: A Roundtable Interview, Part II, Argentina". Black Rose/Rosa Negra Anarchist Federation. January 23, 2019.
    9. ^ "Bulletin of the Anarchist Black Cross - Belarus. Spring - Summer 2012". libcom.org.
    10. ^ "4º Fórum Geral Anarquista – São Paulo – Brasil – 2018". April 16, 2018.
    11. ^ "A Historical Background to The Bulgarian Anarchist Movement". libcom.org.
    12. ^ "The Belgrade Six - Serbian Anarchists Arrested for 'International Terrorism'". libcom.org.
    13. ^ "Existence 1/2019 | Anarchistická federace". Oficiální stránky Anarchistické federace.
    14. ^ Heath, Nick (November 7, 2010). "Georges Fontenis obituary" – via www.theguardian.com.
    15. ^ "Anarchism in the German-speaking Countries". www.katesharpleylibrary.net.
    16. ^ "Organise!". libcom.org.
    17. ^ "Political statement of the 3rd Congress of the Anarchist Political Organization (A.P.O.) | Αναρχική Πολιτική Οργάνωση".
    18. ^ "Masini, Pier Carlo, 1923-1998". libcom.org.
    19. ^ "Federação Anarquista de México: Informe de situación en México. Solidariedade e apoio". June 21, 2016.
    20. ^ "Birth of the FAI". libcom.org.
    21. ^ a b "The 11th Congress of the IFA". Freedom News. 3 August 2019.
    22. ^ "Congreso Anarquista Internacional de Carrara de 1968. El anarquismo delante del espejo | Alasbarricadas.org". www.alasbarricadas.org.
    23. ^ a b c d e f g h "The International of Anarchist Federations (IAF) - L'INTERNATIONALE DES FÉDÉRATIONS ANARCHISTES (IFA)". www.anarchy.no.
    24. ^ "Public statement from IFA Congress Saint-Imier 2012, 9-12th August to other exploited and oppressed people of the World".
    25. ^ [http://afed.org.uk/organise-magazine-issue-87-winter-2016/ Organise! Issue 87 (Winter 2016)

    External links edit

     
    Wikimedia Commons has media related to Cdjp1/sandbox/Genderpostcommunism.

    E-folklore edit

    E-folklor [pl]

    E-folklore (also called digital folklore,[1] internet folklore,[2] cyberfolklore,[3] network folklore[4]) is the study of internet culture as a development of folkloric culture.[2] A phenomenon related to traditional folklore used to transmit, enrich and transform its content via the Internet, which is given interactivity and intertextuality.[4] The main space for occurrence and creation of elements of e-folklore is the internet, which causes e-folklore to occur on a global scale.[2] It exists thanks to the high activity of Internet users. The phenomenon is structurally similar to traditional folklore, which combines with content drawn from popular culture, thus producing new phenomena[4] within the rules of its potential paradigm.

    E-folklore multiplies the possibilities of processing cultural content much more than traditional folklore, thanks to the possibility of easily removing the previous form and replacing it with another. The speed of changes taking place in e-folklore makes it expressive and noticeable.[2]

    Characteristic edit

    E-folklore draws from the heritage of traditional folklore and transforms it into new forms. E.g.:

    • gossip – "important information" of popular websites
    • letters from heaven - chain letters[1]

    E-folklore is studied mainly by working out how its content affects the behavior and creativity of the addressee, because the very classification of very dynamically changing products of digital folklore becomes incomprehensible after a short time. Michał Rauszer compares digital folklore to anthropological mana as mere meaning without content, emphasizing that visualizations of online folklore are not important in the study.

    The mutual relations of members of online communities are based on the secrets of a given group and the appropriate keys needed to become a full-fledged participant in culture. Users participating in internet folklore identify with the Other, a person outside the community who possesses an unattainable, desirable trait, as can be seen in "spout" photos. At the same time, they avoid initiating Others into the knowledge needed to fully understand their group. Without it, e-folklore cannot be fully understood. This is noticeable with audiovisual material such as memes.[2]

    Online activity is characterized by identification with some activity or information with the simultaneous possibility of ridiculing oneself for this type of phenomenon.

    The amount of e-folklore content is far more accurate in determining popularity than statistics, because it is created on the spur of the moment as a reflection of real emotions.

    Cyberfolklore, like traditional folklore, does not happen at a specific time because it is assumed that it has always been so . Because of this, here and now it occurs at a convenient moment to convey some information, truth or science.[2]

    Features of e-folklore:

    • constantly processed and copied
    • spontaneous
    • sensational
    • funny
    • reminiscent of bygone eras
    • dynamically developing
    • conducive to further folklore-forming processes
    • having a collective author
    • has a high speed of information transfer
    • it reaches wherever there is internet
    • giving a lot of anonymity[1]
    • distinct and noticeable
    • cynically distant

    Connections with traditional folklore edit

    Similarities:

    1. They have a collective author
    2. They express the need for community through stories[1]
    3. They process existing content
    4. They are timeless ("here and now")[2] - events are not identified with a specific period ("it has always been like this", and at the same time "it is happening now")
    5. It is fully understood only by those initiated into uncommon information and principles.
    6. A person strives to identify with a certain feature - for example, "spout" photos are an expression of the pursuit of having a feature that allows full control over one's own body[2]
    7. Contain content that emphasizes fear of the unknown and loss of control (legends)[5]

    Differences:

    1. Unprecedented anonymity, speed and scope of information dissemination
    2. Occurrence of new forms of communication:
      • chat (chat)
      • forum
      • Memes
      • social networking sites
      • fansites[1]
    3. Occurrence of new interpersonal interactions:
      • trolling
      • flame wars
      • interface-to-interface (instead of face to face)
    4. Weakening the role of the sender due to the greater possibilities of the addressee[5]

    Technologically revolutionary, cyberspace is yet mythically and poetically familiar, a new venue for expressing traditional themes of hope, resurrection, and safety. – John W. Green, “Cemeteries, Virtual”, Encyclopedia of Death & the Human Experience, Clifton D. Bryant & Dennis L. Peck, eds. pp. 180-182


    References edit

    1. ^ a b c d e Burszta, Wojciech Józef [in Polish]; Pomieciński, Adam [in Polish] (2012). "E-folklor – wstęp" [E-folklore - introduction]. Kultura Popularna [pl] (in Polish). 3 (33): 4–5.
    2. ^ a b c d e f g h Rauszer, Michał (2012). "Czy Hitler jest hardcorem? E-folklor jako komentarz" [Is Hitler hardcore? E-folklore as a commentary.]. Kultura Popularna [pl] (in Polish). 3 (33): 70–85.
    3. ^ Kamińska, Magdalena (2012). "„[`][`][`] :((( :*..." Praktyki żałobne w cyberprzestrzeni" ["[`][`][`] :((( :*..." Mourning practices in cyberspace]. Kultura Popularna [pl] (in Polish). 3 (33): 110–120.
    4. ^ a b c Hajduk-Nijakowska, Janina (2012). "Folklorystyczny nerw internetu. Wspólnotowa przestrzeń emocji i wyobraźni" [The folkloric nerve of the internet. A community space of emotions and imagination]. Kultura Popularna [pl] (in Polish). 3 (33): 6–18.
    5. ^ a b Napiórkowski, Mateusz (2018). "Legendy miejskie netloru jako wyraz niepokojów współczesnego świata na przykładzie legend internetowych" [Urban legends of the net-lore as an expression of the anxieties of the modern world on the example of internet legends]. Literatura i Kultura Popularna (in Polish) (24): 357–368. doi:10.19195/0867-7441.24.22. {{cite journal}}: |access-date= requires |url= (help)

    Folklore bibliography edit

    1. Aldhouse-Green, Miranda (1997). "The Symbolic Horse in Pagan Celtic Europe: An Archaeological Perspective". In Davies, Sioned; Jones, Nerys Ann (eds.). The Horse in Celtic Culture Medieval Welsh Perspectives. University of Wales Press. pp. 1–22. ISBN 9780708314142.
    2. Alford, Violet (1953). "Why Do We Study Folklore?". Folklore. 64 (4): 473–483. doi:10.1080/0015587X.1953.9717394. ISSN 1469-8315.
    3. Arnold, Denis (1983). "Morris dance". The New Oxford Companion to Music. Vol. 2. Oxford University Press. p. 1203. ISBN 978-0193113169.
    4. Aybes, C.; Yalden, D. W. (1995). "Place-name evidence for the former distribution and status of Wolves and Beavers in Britain". Mammal Review. 25: 201–227. doi:10.1111/j.1365-2907.1995.tb00444.x. Archived from the original on 18 October 2023.
    5. Barbeau, Marius (1972). "Folklore". In Leach, Maria; Fried, Jerome (eds.). Funk & Wagnalls Standard Dictionary of Folklore, Mythology and Legend. Funk & Wagnalls. p. 398.
    6. Bartrum, Peter C. (ed.). "Afanc". A Welsh Classical Dictionary. University of Wales Press. pp. 6–7. ISBN 9780907158738.
    7. Beck, Ervin (1984). "Children's Guy Fawkes Customs in Sheffield". Folklore. 95 (2): 191–203. doi:10.1080/0015587X.1984.9716314. ISSN 1469-8315.
    8. Ben-Amos, Dan (1982). "Foreword". In Lüthi, Max (ed.). The European Folktale: form and nature. Translated by Niles, John D. Indiana University Press. pp. vii–xiv. ISBN 0-253-20393-7.
    9. Bender, Jacob L. (2020). "The Mexican Day of the Dead and Celtic Halloween on the Borderlands". Modern Death in Irish and Latin American Literature. Springer. pp. 17–43. ISBN 978-3-030-50939-2.
    10. Black Shuck Festival. "The Black Shuck Festival". Archived from the original on 10 June 2023. Retrieved 2 October 2023.
    11. Blank, Trevor J.; McNeill, Lynne S. (2018). "Introduction". In Blank, Trevor J.; McNeill, Lynne S. (eds.). Slender Man Is Coming: Creepypasta and Contemporary Legends on the Internet. University Press of Colorado. pp. 3–24. ISBN 978-1607327806.
    12. Botkin, Benjamin A. (1938). Supplementary Instructions to the American Guide Manual: Guide for Folklore Studies. Federal Writers Project.
    13. Botkin, Benjamin A. (1972). "Folklore". In Leach, Maria; Fried, Jerome (eds.). Funk & Wagnalls Standard Dictionary of Folklore, Mythology and Legend. Funk & Wagnalls. pp. 398–399.
    14. Bown, Nicola (2001). Fairies in Nineteenth-Century Art and Literature. Cambridge University Press. pp. 177–178. ISBN 978-0-521-79315-5.
    15. Briggs, Katherine Mary (1968). "The Transmission of Folk-Tales in Britain". Folklore. 79 (2): 81–91. JSTOR 1258318.
    16. Briggs, Katharine Mary (2002) [1967]. The Fairies in Tradition and Literature. Psychology Press. p. 66–68. ISBN 978-0-415-28601-5.
    17. Bronner, Simon J. (2007). "Introduction: The Analytics of Alan Dundes". In Bronner, Simon J. (ed.). The Meaning of Folklore: The Analytical Essays of Alan Dundes. Utah State University Press. pp. 1–35. ISBN 978-0-87421-684-4.
    18. Brovarets, Tetiana M. (2022). "Apocalyptic Motifs on Century-Old Ukrainian Rushnyks Through Today's Digital Folklore Communication". Colloquia Humanistica. 11. doi:10.11649/ch.2713.
    19. Burns, Marjorie (2005). Perilous Realms: Celtic and Norse in Tolkien's Middle-earth. University of Toronto Press. p. 54. ISBN 978-0-8020-3806-7.
    20. Burszta, Wojciech Józef [in Polish]; Pomieciński, Adam [in Polish] (2012). "E-folklor – wstęp" [E-folklore - introduction]. Kultura Popularna [pl] (in Polish). 3 (33): 4–5.
    21. Call, Lewis (2008). "A is for anarchy, V is for Vendetta: images of Guy Fawkes and the creation of postmodern anarchism". Anarchist Studies. 16 (2): 154–172. Archived from the original on 24 May 2023.
    22. Carter, Susan (22 March 2007). "Galadriel and Morgan le Fey: Tolkien's redemption of the lady of the lacuna". Mythlore. Archived from the original on 25 March 2023.
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