Talk:WestConnex

Cumberland Plan section

I have removed the recently added section regarding the history of the Cumberland Plan by user:Mqst north. It is far too broad to be put into this article (and also is not written with the standard Wikipedia Manual of Style and Neutral tone). However, it is good detailed information that does need to be kept and either turned into an article about the Cumberland County plan or something equivalent of the Public transport in Sydney article.

This is the text I removed:

The original structure of suburban Sydney resembled a starfish, with residential development restricted to the relatively narrow corridors around railway and tram lines. Employment was highly centralised, with factories and warehouses located in inner-city suburbs such as Marrickville and Pyrmont, close to the convergence of the state's long-distance railway lines, as well as the docks of Sydney Harbour.

By the end of World War II however, it had become clear that motor vehicles would play an increasingly significant role in the city's development. The road-building plan that emerged as part of the 1948 Cumberland County Plan effectively replicated the railways' and tramways' focus on moving travellers from the outer suburbs to and from the central business district (CBD). The Cumberland Plan's radial motorway network was never realised in full, but by identifying the corridors for the new roads in advance, the planners successfully reduced future construction costs, at least outside of the high-density urban core.

Construction proceeded slowly, with Sydney's first controlled-access highway, the Cahill Expressway, opening 10 years later. The pace had accelerated by the late 1960s, with isolated sections of the proposed Warringah, Newcastle, North Western, Western and Southern freeways open to traffic by 1971.

The M4 Western Motorway outside of Parramatta. This section of the road will be widened as part of the WestConnex scheme.

Soon after, the relevance of the (by now defunct) County Council's plan came under sustained pressure from major social and economic shifts. An increasing number of commuters were now travelling from dwellings in one suburb to workplaces in another, avoiding the CBD altogether, as manufacturers moved to less constrained greenfield sites in the suburbs. At the same time, large-scale suburban malls drew shoppers away from the CBD and local corner shops; knowledge industries took root in spacious suburban campus-style developments; and Sydney Harbour and Central Station progressively lost freight and passengers to Port Botany and Sydney Airport.

Motorways themselves also came under attack, with the Green Bans movement and others campaigning against completion of the North Western, Warringah and Eastern freeways. After narrowly winning the 1976 election and facing a deteriorating budget situation, the Australian Labor Party under Neville Wran capitalised on this antipathy by withdrawing funding from a range of contentious transport infrastructure projects. Work was allowed to continue outside the inner city, however, with the Newcastle, Southern and Western freeways continuing to grow through the Wran years.

Responding to the city's evolution, the then Department of Main Roads revised its thinking about the motorway network, with the Government releasing the landmark Roads 2000 report in 1987. The centrepiece of the plan was an 'orbital' motorway to improve cross-suburban journey, while completing the missing east-west links north and south of the harbour. The orbital took 20 years to complete.

Sincerely, Wittylama 08:04, 4 August 2015 (UTC)

While not I am a position to prepare such an article there are some other references which may be of interest on this subject

Proposed railways in_Sydney#County of Cumberland Plan.2C 1951 also contains reference to it.Fleet Lists (talk) 09:01, 4 August 2015 (UTC)

I've copied the above to Talk:County of Cumberland planning scheme as a suggested merge to see what people think. Ben Aveling 03:41, 5 October 2016 (UTC)

Changes to Funding section

Added: an introductory summary paragraph. Added: explanation of the min/max/distance/inflation components of the toll. Added: list of funding per source. Not added: a breakdown of how the cost has grown over time. Does anyone have a good link to something on this? Regards, Ben Aveling 11:47, 6 October 2016 (UTC)

Added: benefits and costs - according to business case. Added: mention of Federal Auditor General auditing WestConnex. Ben Aveling 22:47, 8 October 2016 (UTC)

But not disclosed, your membership of NSW Labor, your membership of the Alexandria Residents' Action Group, and your contributions to the South Sydney Herald, A people's M4 and A people's M5; sourced from here, here, here, here and here. I encourage you to read WP:COI and WP:DCOI and assess whether you should firstly disclose any conflict of interest and secondly whether it is appropriate to continue contributing towards this article. Rangasyd (talk) 13:26, 14 November 2017 (UTC)

I am a member of the ALP (which supports WestConnex) and a member of ARAG (which does not). I have contributed writings on WestConnex and other topics to a range of outlets. All of the above have been in a voluntary, unpaid capacity. I am a resident of Alexandria, and a NSW taxpayer, which means I am not unaffected by WestConnex. Much the same could of course be said of any resident of NSW. As WP:EXTERNALREL says, "How close the relationship needs to be before it becomes a concern on Wikipedia is governed by common sense." I would rather be judged on the quality of my edits than on my geographic location. Regards, Ben Aveling 10:57, 15 November 2017 (UTC)

@BenAveling: Thank you for disclosing your political allegiances, your membership of ARAG, and the fact that you have contributed writing on WestConnex in a range of media sources. I take your point re common sense. So, looking at the quality of your edits, I look forward to seeing you contribute referenced information about the community's support of WestConnex, including that of NSW Labour (that you mentioned above); and not just negative stories about the motorway that are predominately sourced from the SMH and ABC and from Clover Moore, Elizabeth Farrelly, et. al.. Rangasyd (talk) 16:25, 15 November 2017 (UTC)

I confess, there is a shortage of informed unbiased support for WestConnex. Perhaps you could find some. Speaking of edits, would you agree that this edit was a bit pointy? Will you revert it, or shall I ask for a 2nd opinion? Regards, Ben Aveling 22:51, 15 November 2017 (UTC)

@BenAveling: Don't you just love it when ... Q.E.D.! Given your comment above about your comrades supporting the WestConnex, I believe that this is a very important fact to include; in fact, its absence from the article is a significant oversight on your part and would lead to some "common sense" from an independent observer to consider whether you have a WP:POTENTIALCOI. I look forward to you editing the article to include that 'fact', duly referenced; or alternately you WP:DCOI. As to my earlier edit, the grammar in that sentence was atrocious and it has been corrected. Rangasyd (talk) 15:57, 16 November 2017 (UTC)

I think I might not. But do feel free. I suggest you find someone apart from me to cite. You might also like to find a cite for the claim that the Federal Government still supports the project. Cheers, Ben Aveling 12:07, 23 November 2017 (UTC)

Canal to Creek

I'm on the far side of the planet and know nothing about Sydney's road network ... but came across the public art project Canal to Creek while looking at UK artist Gordon Young who is contributing. It appears that the project is part of WestConnex - should it have a mention in this article? There are (will be?) 18 public art works. PamD 10:52, 11 August 2021 (UTC)