Draft:Mizo Chieftainship

A Fanai chief depicted by John Shakespear.

Mizo chieftainship, also known as Lushai Chieftainship, is a political structure used for the Mizo people, which historically operated as a gerontocracy. The chieftain system persisted among the various clans and tribes from the precolonial era through to the British colonial period and Indian independence briefly. Upon independence, Mizo intellectuals, under the choice of political direction, chose to maintain a union with India to offset the autocratic nature of the chiefs from becoming too dominant once again. The formation of the Mizo Union advocated for abolishing chieftainship in Mizoram. The chieftainships of Mizoram were eventually disbanded with the Assam-Lushai District ("Acquisition of Chief's Rights") Act in 1954.

Society of Mizo Chiefdoms

In his administration the chief would cooperate with various individuals to achieve his duties.

Among the most important of these individuals were the chief's elders, also known as Lal upate. The chief could choose who to appoint to this position and how many individuals could fit this capacity. The elders did not possess the ability to question decisions or criticise the chief and typically held meetings at the Chief's house while drinking zu (rice beer).

The brothers of the chief would also enjoy prestige by association if they did not rule any village. They were exempted from paying the rice paddy tax known as fathang. They would be given the first choice on choosing plots for jhumming and cultivation.

Influential culativators known as ramhuals would also get the right to choose cultivation plots before other people. These individuals were appointed by the chief on account of their agricultural output in order to collect larger paddy tributes.Ramhuals will select the slope suitable for jhumming in the year. This process allows the chief to make the first choice over his jhum plot. Ramhuals were second in the privilege to choose their jhum plots, often reserving the best and paying a larger paddy tax. Zalen were families exempted from paying the paddy-tribute due to their specific obligation to help the chief if the food supply declined.

The village blacksmith was known as thirdeng. This craft and skillset would be passed down hereditarily. One of the village blacksmiths would be chosen by the chief to as a personal blacksmith. The chief's blacksmith would take part in the administration with the chief and elders. Their responsibilities would include repairing tools for agriculture and other daily work. Due to this, they could also claim Thirdengsa, which is a small share of any wild animal killed by the village hunting party.The thirdeng would get renumeration by being given a basket of paddy from each household in the village. The thirdeng would also have a separate workshop known as a pum. A unique social function of the pum outside of blacksmithing was the storing of heads of enemies brought from war.

The puithiam was the priest of the village and had authority over rituals and spiritual matters. A sadawt was a private priest for the chief and was granted the ability to be shared by multiple chiefs of the same clan. The sadawts were in charge of festivals and ceremonies with knowledge of the practice of witchcraft. The sadawt typically has an assistant known as a Tlahpawi. A Tlahpawi was typically a friend of the chief. Their most common task would be scraping the skin of pigs with bamboo to file off the hair. A bawlpu was assigned to cure sicknesses and procure medicine. The bawlpu would typically prescribe animal sacrifice, which would be brought with debt or offered if already owned. The incantations used by Bawlpu were closely guarded and were only imparted to the next prospective bawlpu either due to their inability to carry out their tasks or being close to death.

The val upa played an important role in traditional Mizo society. They were not appointed by the chief but elected by people based on reputation and merit towards community contribution. Their powers included managing all matters with children and young men. They operated as spokesmen to the chief on matters pertaining to bachelors in the zawlbuk. They also regulated and assented to decisions made by young men and opinionated common policy.

The Tlangau was a village crier. Their responsibility was to proclaim the chief's orders and assign what tasks or work was to be done the next day. The crier was repaid with a basket of rice from each family.The crier would often essentially function as a servant of the chief with little status in the chiefdom. While assault was punished in Mizo chiefdoms, hitting the crier for bearing bad news or tedious work was an exception with no fines.

The bawis were slaves in Mizo society. There were typically four categories of slaves: Inpui Chhung Bawi, Inhrang Bawi, Chemsen Bawi and Tukluh Bawi. Inpui Chhung Bawi means a slave within a big house. This term was applied to individuals in poverty, sickness or distress who sought protection under the chief. An Inpui Chhung Bawi was expected to work within their physical capacity but would gain privileges under the chief regarding food, rice-beer and meat taxes. After being married for three years, a bawi would be considered an Inhrang Bawi, which means a separate house slave. A Chemsen Bawi, which means a red knife slave, was anyone who had killed someone in a village and had sought sanctuary under the chief. A Chemsen Bawi was not obligated to work under the chief but the chief would assume paternal responsibility for the murderer's children as punishment for the criminal. Tukluh Bawi were slaves captured from war with neighbouring tribes through raids and battles. These slaves were relatively free and were allowed to live in seperate houses. Mizo customs provided that these Tukluh Bawi would purchase their freedom by paying the chief a Mithun or an equivalent.

The khawchhiar is the village writer. This occupation emerged under the British administration and the influence of literacy with Christian missionaries' efforts. The khawchhiar is appointed by the superintendent and represent the British administration. Their responsibilities typically consisted to statistic registers, listing of village houses, rostering of coolie labour and supervising list of guns in the village. All khawchhiar were exempt from coolie labour and house tax.

Village Layout

Mizo village built on hillside and hilltops

Mizo villages were typically built on hills for fortification purposes from other warring tribes. To protect from high winds, many structures would be built on a slope on the hill as protection. Houses would not be built in a valley or the base of a hill, but raised three-four feet off the ground as protection from wild animals and draining of water. A house would be built of materials such as timber for walls, bamboo matting for floor and thatched grass for roofing.

A standard house would have decks with hollow basins designed for rice husking at the front, which would be worked with long wooden pestles. At the back of the house was a small enclosed deck serving as a storeroom. Interiors were fitted with a hearth fitted with mud or flat stones. Above this hearth was a suspended larger wooden square of grains, herbs, jerky and cured bacon. Next to the hearth was the main bed known as a Khumpui where the parents of the household sleep. This was respected and only the parents could sit or lie on it. Young unmarried men would typically sleep in the zawlbuk, a bachelor's barrack. A final section was also cleared to store water with bamboo pipes and pots, where individuals could take a bath behind a bamboo wall in a corner of the house. Windows were not built unless an individual had performed the khuangchawi ceremony, a public feast given by chiefs to well-to-do Mizos, or it was believed to bring bad fortune.

Chief's House

The chief's house is generally situated in the heart of the village. A large space in front of the house was the village square known as Lal mual. The chief's house was built to accommodate various resources and activities, often with a community effort. The chief's house would consist of a front verandah with a wooden mortar for husking rice known as a sumhmun. Several rooms known as vanlung were established as slave quarters for families captured during raids. Through the vanlung you would enter the spacious area known as dawvan. The dawvan held a fireplace and was known to be the meeting room for discussion, dispute settlement and administrative work.

Zawlbuk

Main article: Zawlbuk

A Zawlbuk to be used by the village's young men.

A dormitory for bachelors known as a zawlbuk would be provided to the young men of the village. The zawlbuk would have young men concentrated in a single building for emergencies and quick decisions. Responsibilities of the men in zawlbuks could include organising hunting parties, warfare and raiding missions, or cohesive policies decided by the chief. The boys would be divided into two groups based on age. The young men were known as tlangvals while the boys were known as Thingfawm Naupang. The boys typically did the firewood duties alongside washing clothes, doing errands and carrying materials for grave preparations.

Socio-Cultural Traditions

Nula-rim (Traditional Courtship)

In traditional Mizo custom, young men would leave around 6-7pm to the house of the girl they were courting to sit down and talk. Commitment would entail the young man suggesting to help each other more in farm work of jhumming to prepare for marriage. Cooperating with farm work would allow the girl to accept or reject her suitor based on their conduct and work ethic. To guard against false defamation, a boy known as a puarak observes the couple's courting as a definitive witness for sexual relations. On the puarak's testimony, if sexual relations were declared, then the girl can't claim compensation for defamation if it has been publicized. The nature of courting in general did not hold penalties for sexual relations unless the girl got pregnant. In the case of pregnancy during courtship the man responsible pays a sawn man.While men sneak to meet their courtships at the girl's house, they will have to avoid being caught by their parents, or else they will be forced to pay khumpuikaiman or marry the woman.

Once successful and committed, a palai would be sent to work out marriage terms. A palai is an envoy typically selected from the boy's family for the purpose of marriage discussion. The discussion would entail the bride price and the date of marriage. Unlike a dowry system; a bride price would simply be paid to sell the girl into the boy's family. Traditionally a bride price would be placed at two mithuns, while a chief's daughter would demand or fetch as high as ten mithuns. Physical intimacy was permitted upon marriage agreement in a tradition known as zawl-puan-phah which means preparing the lover's bed. If the marriage does not take place after the consummation of the relationship, then the boy is fined four mithuns. Typical marriage age did not have much age difference with men at 22 and women at 19.

Marriage

Marriage typically entailed a feast where the bride's father would slaughter a mithun, and half were given to the groom's family. The bride would restribute a portion of the bride price, and a special sum known as pusum was given to the bride's favourite uncle. The uncle receiving the pusum was placed under the responsibility of caring for the family of the newly married couple. All others who received a portion would give a hen in return which would contribute to the settling of the couple. After the feast the bride would return to her house and is returned to her husband's house in an act known as Lawi That (permanent entry). Divorce for marriage was equally available for men and women and provided on the grounds of physical cruelty and unfaithfulness. In certain circumstances portion of the bride price would be refunded or given up.

There are five types of marriage in Mizo society. Lungvar is marriage through negotiation and is the most common type. After paying the bride price the bride goes to the groom's house which is called lawi. Fan is when a man goes and lives in a girl's house as her husband. This practice is considered disgraceful for the man. Luhkung is the practice of a girl living in the man's house as a wife before marriage and this is also disgraceful. Sazumeidawh is a marriage without bride price. This agreement is made with both parties consent and allows the man to leave and divorce her at any time without penalties. These marriages are rare but common for daughters of widows and this custom does not require a palai.

Inheritance

Traditionally, a chief would have a wife and concubines. These concubines are known as hmei and their children hmeifa are considered illegitimate for inheritance. The oldest sons would typically be granted a village as a headsman and answer to the decision of their chief father. The youngest son would stay with the chief and inherit the chiefdom as a result. With the arrival of British administrations, the superintendent approved who would inherit chieftainship and typically awarded it to the eldest sons.The chief also had power to set up new villages under his administration and influence but this power was restrained with British oversight of the Lushai Hills.

Precolonial Chieftainship

Constant warfare with neighbouring tribes, villages and clans saw the need for a stable leader. The idea of a chief was unpopular due to the lack of material rewards as a leader and the risk of death with leading war parties.

Origins of chieftainship

One account discusses the origins of chieftainship among the Mizos through the Lusei clan. The earliest records of chieftainship among the Mizo tribes are dated to Zahmuaka and his six sons in the 16th century. The six sons of Zahmuaka are known as Zadenga, Thangluaha, Thangura, Rivunga and Rokhuma. In the modern day, a significant population hold these surnames as descendants. Zahkuama and his sons were forced to accept chieftainship by the Luseis, who lacked anyone willing to take on the role.

Initially, the role of the chief had no material reward in terms of tribute to the village chief. Eventually, people within villages began to contribute a portion of the annual harvest for the chief, known as a paddy tax. This system remained among Mizo chiefdoms until its abolishment in 1954.

Legal system

Before the arrival of British legal doctrine and laws handling offences under the superintendent, the Mizo people operated under a separate, unfixed legal system. The chiefs would have customary practices and rules.

In the case of murder, the family of the victim has the liberty to take revenge and kill the murderer. This led to a practice in which a murderer would run to the Chief's house for protection. By clinging to the foundation post of the Chief's house, the perpetrator achieves 'Lal sutpui pawm which binds a chief to protect the murderer. This protection would ward away revenge-seekers due to fears of confronting the chief. If the perpetrator seeks out the chief, they become a lifetime slave to the chief.

A special procedure for the chief was available known as kut silna which means the washing of hands. This would allow a chief to take revenge on any individual who captured or detained them during war or a raid. This was a customary practice approved by all the chiefs and no higher authority held them questionable by it.

Due to lack of locks and other features of security, traditional homes were unguarded and a wooden pole was placed at the door to show the home was empty. Punishment for theft led to punishments known as sial and salam. Sial was a fine of the biggest domestic animal known as Mithun, while a salam was a swine. Both of these would go to the chief and other elders for a feast.

Economy

Historically, Mizo chiefdoms were based on subsistence, with very few economic activities outside of this range.

Taxation

Regular payment by villagers would typically be made with a share of their harvest known as a fathang or padddy tribute. Animals procured through hunting were bound to a due known as sachhiah, which was the animal's left foreleg. If the animal was already dead upon collection, it was exempt from sachhiah. Failure to pay the sachhiah would lead to a fine. Procurement of salt springs would have an entitlement known as chikhurchhiah if it fell within his territory. Khuaichhiah is the collection of portions of honey collected by villagers of the chief's land and territory. If the honey was collected by one person the chief would claim half, for any other group, the honey was divided with the chief in count.

Land

Land or ram was controlled by the chief. It operated both as communal ownership and private peasant ownership. It was unlike other forms of land ownership in that there was no right to ownership or right to transfer. The chief would claim his own land known as Keimahi ram and entitle himself to economic privileges. These privileges would also be distributed to blacksmiths, headsmen and priests as a feudal resembling system.

The chiefdoms in the central Chin Hills had a two-category land classification system. Namely Bul ram (private land) and Kland ram (community land). Bul ram gave the individual the right to cultivate, forage, hunt, and customary law of a right to inheritance.

Currency

The mithun of the Lushai Hills villagers.

Mizo chiefdoms and villages engaged in the barter system. Larger transactions required a medium of exchange known as 'mithun (tame bison). Mithun would function as a measure of wealth for the chiefs. In the legal system of Mizo chiefdoms, mithun would also function as the currency of compensation or fines for offences.

Raiding and slavery

Raiding formed an important part of the economy regarding trade and financing. Raids were formed with a coalition of chiefs against a more prosperous chief. Guns were highly valued in raids and held as trophies by chiefs. Raids, in general, were associated with a chief's funeral custom or the marriage of his daughters. A successful raid would oversee the looting of valuables, men and women. Individuals taken during raids would become slaves of the chief and traded for profits.

Men would be valued upon their age and physical qualities, usually amounting to three mithuns. Female slaves were valued depending on age, beauty and physical fitness, usually amounting to five mithuns. Good-looking female slaves would typically become concubines to chiefs. Chiefs were also responsible for the marriage of their slaves, which increased demand for female slaves. Tribal women would not only meet this demand but also Bengali women working on tea estates.

Mizo chiefdom in modern history

Chieftainship during British Rule

Further information: British rule in the Lushai Hills

During the British colonial era of Mizoram, the British pursued a gradual policy of weakening the power of the chiefs. The British allowed the chiefs to continue their rule in accordance with aligning to British interests and authorities such as the superintendent and administrators. A number of rights and privileges exercised by the chiefs were permitted to remain unaltered. This paled in comparison to the erosion of the prestige of chieftains and their traditional roles. In 1901 the British introduced the circle system administered by chiefs. The circle system would see regulations on the practice of jhumming by restricting it to the circle administered by the particular chief. British interest in cash crops such as coffee, cotton, potatoes and oranges was also introduced under private ownership policies, further changing the traditional doctrines of land distribution under chieftainships.

The changes in chieftainship under British intervention can be seen as standardizing indirect rule of the Lushai tribes by limiting the power of the chiefs but granting autonomy in standard administration and chieftain rights. The land was under the government but effectively treated as a hereditary possession of chiefs who could exercise reasonable rights on it. The British also diluted the power of traditional chiefs by proclaiming and granting chieftainship on individuals who would not ordinarily be granted such a right under the traditional system. The Britsh also extinguished certain rights of chiefs such as:

• The Right to order capital punishment.
• Right to seize food stores and property of villagers who wishes to transfer allegiance to another chief.
• Right to tax traders doing business in the jurisdiction of the Chief.
• Right to freedom of action in making their son's chief of their territory or jurisidction.
• Right to attach the property of their villagers when they wished or deemed fit with or without fault of the villager.
• Right to freedom of action in decisions involving bawis (slaves).

During this era a new privileged class began to emerge with British modernisation and Christianity. This privileged class would challenge the power of chieftainship in the Lushai Hills. The increase of employment in government jobs and rise of salaried employment allowed for the cultivation of material wealth which would afford social mobility. This increased opportunities for education beyond the free primary course which would require extensive agricultural cultivation to afford for traditional communities. This privileged class was described as an intelligentsia that did not belong to indigenous Lushai society. It dominated in fields of medicine as doctors, agriculture as experts and nurses which was increasingly pushed back upon and unappreciated.

The British also employed a policy known as non-interference. Non-interference saw that the British would rule and administrate the lands of the Lushai Hills through the Chief's and their existing institutions. The British tended to also confer chieftainship to anyone they felt that would be helpful as a collaborator, hence increasing the number of chiefs drastically through the years of administration. The British policy of sanctioning Chiefs to carry out administrative duties led to a pattern of autocratic tendencies in tribal leadership. The British also enabled the system of Bawis and headhunting, as these two factors determined the power of a chief and did not wish to curb these privileges. Tribal groups requested for a new administration and policy through democratic representation in a memorandum submitted to the Governor of Assam in December 1933. However, the memorandum was rejected by the governor on suspicions of conspiracy and objection to increasing representation for scheduled tribes.

In 1935, the Young Mizo Association (YMA) formed and voiced their issues during the latter era of the British colonial period. Their concerns particularly focussed on the lack of democratic institutions in Mizoram and the privileged positions of chiefs and their councils. R. Vanlawma, a member of the YMA, founded the Mizo Commoner's Union to oppose and abolish chiefly rule. It's leadership and political direction was to emerge in union with India as this would entail the disbandment of the institution of chieftainship. The party split into left-wing and right-wing factions. The right wing was dominated by chiefs who rejected the union with India. Some members of the Mizo Union right wing supported a union with Burma to form a separate province in Burma. This led to the establishment of the United Mizo Freedom Organization. However with little time to campaign and having a reputation as privileged elite chiefs, support for the party was small and ineffective to secure any political goals.

Chieftainship during Indian Rule

After Indian independence, the Indian constitutions permitted autonomy at both regional and local levels for chieftainships to manage their natural resources. The pre-independence superintendent of the Lushai Hills, L.L Peters, remained in position after the declaration of Indian independence. The policy of chiefly privilege was perpetuated with corruption, and his policies would safeguard the chiefs and their interests. The superintendent also allowed chiefs to report misbehaving subjects for punishment; this led to many members of the Mizo Union becoming targeted by chiefs and being arrested subsequently.

The Mizo Union organised an ultimatum of non-cooperation if Superintendent Peters was not removed from his post. Upon submitting a memorandum to the Government of Assam, the leaders of the Mizo Union were arrested. After the deadline for the ultimatum passed, supporters of the Mizo Union stopped obeying orders of the superintendent, stopped supplying taxation to their chiefs and halted all supply of labour as coolies to the administration. A massive crackdown with large-scale arrests and fines was imposed in retaliation for the protest.

After the passing of the Assam Autonomous District Council Act 1951, the Lushai Hills district possessed more political agency in its domestic affairs. The Mizo Union secured dominance in the Lushai Hills Autonomous District. The superintendent positions was abolished and replaced with a weaker deputy commissioner role that would affect the chieftain's leverage with political policies.

Abolishment of Chieftainship

The onset of Christianity saw a change in the traditional institutions of Mizo society, such as slavery and chieftainship. As more individuals and chiefs converted to Christianity, they released the Bawis or slaves held under their possession. However poorer, rural and destitute areas continued the tradition of maintaining bawis under their possession. One of the central figures to protest chieftainship and the bawi system was Hmar Khawbung Bawichuaka. The influence of Christianity made it so that the slave system of Mizo society was obsolete. However, this further stratified Mizo society as commoners was now bound in virtual serfdom to the chief.

The Mizo union would win all three seats to the Assam assembly in the 1952 general election. The following election in the same year saw the Mizo Union win 23 of 24 seats and campaign heavily on the topic of abolishment of chieftainship. The fist bill passed by the Mizo Union was the Lushai Hills (Chieftain Abolition) Act, 1952. It suspended the powers and rights afford by cheifs while allowing the continuation of their office and political structure. On the 1st of June 1953, the district council passed an act abolishing the taxations of thirdengsa, khuaichhiah and chikhuchhiah. The coolie system was also abolished on 1 January 1953. The Lushai Hills District Act no.III reduced the fathang (paddy tax) from six tins to 3 tins. The Lushai Hills Act (Acquisition of Chief's Rights) 1954 abolished chieftainship. The final legislation was the Lushai Hills Reorganisation of Chiefs' Rights Act 1954 which abolished the powers and privileges that chiefs held onto. The LHA came into force in 1958 while the RCRA came into effect April 1956, 259 Lushai chiefs and 50 Pawi-Lakher chiefs were affected by the act and village councils were established instead.

See also

• Mizo Culture
• History of Mizoram
• Mizo religion
• History of Christianity in Mizoram

References

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Categories:

• Mizo clans
• Culture of Mizoram
• Mizoram
• Mizo people